Daily Papers

Despite the success of the Universal Dependencies (UD) project exemplified by its impressive language breadth, there is still a lack in `within-language breadth': most treebanks focus on standard languages. Even for German, the language with the most annotations in UD, so far no treebank exists for one of its language varieties spoken by over 10M people: Bavarian. To contribute to closing this gap, we present the first multi-dialect Bavarian treebank (MaiBaam) manually annotated with part-of-speech and syntactic dependency information in UD, covering multiple text genres (wiki, fiction, grammar examples, social, non-fiction). We highlight the morphosyntactic differences between the closely-related Bavarian and German and showcase the rich variability of speakers' orthographies. Our corpus includes 15k tokens, covering dialects from all Bavarian-speaking areas spanning three countries. We provide baseline parsing and POS tagging results, which are lower than results obtained on German and vary substantially between different graph-based parsers. To support further research on Bavarian syntax, we make our dataset, language-specific guidelines and code publicly available.

We employ new tools from mechanistic interpretability in order to ask whether the internal structure of large language models (LLMs) shows correspondence to the linguistic structures which underlie the languages on which they are trained. In particular, we ask (1) when two languages employ the same morphosyntactic processes, do LLMs handle them using shared internal circuitry? and (2) when two languages require different morphosyntactic processes, do LLMs handle them using different internal circuitry? Using English and Chinese multilingual and monolingual models, we analyze the internal circuitry involved in two tasks. We find evidence that models employ the same circuit to handle the same syntactic process independently of the language in which it occurs, and that this is the case even for monolingual models trained completely independently. Moreover, we show that multilingual models employ language-specific components (attention heads and feed-forward networks) when needed to handle linguistic processes (e.g., morphological marking) that only exist in some languages. Together, our results provide new insights into how LLMs trade off between exploiting common structures and preserving linguistic differences when tasked with modeling multiple languages simultaneously.

Languages can encode temporal subordination lexically, via subordinating conjunctions, and morphologically, by marking the relation on the predicate. Systematic cross-linguistic variation among the former can be studied using well-established token-based typological approaches to token-aligned parallel corpora. Variation among different morphological means is instead much harder to tackle and therefore more poorly understood, despite being predominant in several language groups. This paper explores variation in the expression of generic temporal subordination ('when'-clauses) among the languages of Latin America and the Caribbean, where morphological marking is particularly common. It presents probabilistic semantic maps computed on the basis of the languages of the region, thus avoiding bias towards the many world's languages that exclusively use lexified connectors, incorporating associations between character n-grams and English when. The approach allows capturing morphological clause-linkage devices in addition to lexified connectors, paving the way for larger-scale, strategy-agnostic analyses of typological variation in temporal subordination.

We present a system that uses LLMs as a tool in the development of Constructed Languages. The system is modular in that one first creates a target phonology for the language using an agentic approach that refines its output at each step with commentary feedback on its previous attempt. Next, a set of sentences is 'translated' from their English original into a morphosyntactic markup that reflects the word order and morphosyntactic feature specifications of the desired target language, with affixes represented as morphosyntactic feature bundles. From this translated corpus, a lexicon is constructed using the phonological model and the set of morphemes (stems and affixes) extracted from the 'translated' sentences. The system is then instructed to provide an orthography for the language, using an existing script such as Latin or Cyrillic. Finally, the system writes a brief grammatical handbook of the language. The system can also translate further sentences into the target language. Our goal is twofold. First, we hope that these tools will be fun to use for creating artificially constructed languages. Second, we are interested in exploring what LLMs 'know' about language-not what they know about any particular language or linguistic phenomenon, but how much they know about and understand language and linguistic concepts. As we shall see, there is a fairly wide gulf in capabilities both among different LLMs and among different linguistic specifications, with it being notably easier for systems to deal with more common patterns than rarer ones. An additional avenue that we explore is the application of our approach to translating from high-resource into low-resource languages. While the results so far are mostly negative, we provide some evidence that an improved version of the present system could afford some real gains in such tasks. https://github.com/SakanaAI/IASC

This study investigates the impact of morphological typology on tokenization and language modeling performance. We focus on languages with synthetic and analytical morphological structures and examine their productivity when tokenized using the byte-pair encoding (BPE) algorithm. We compare the performance of models trained with similar amounts of data in different languages. Our experiments reveal that languages with synthetic features exhibit greater subword regularity and productivity with BPE tokenization and achieve better results in language modeling tasks. We also observe that the typological continuum from linguistic theory is reflected in several experiments. These findings suggest a correlation between morphological typology and BPE tokenization efficiency.

Historical language change affects morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics, yet computational studies typically examine these levels with incompatible representations and therefore cannot determine whether they evolve together across languages. We address this problem by asking how the magnitude and direction of change vary across linguistic levels, languages, and historical periods within a single analytical space. We introduce ChronoLens, a framework that combines frozen multilingual language models, feature-aligned crosscoders, and post-hoc linguistic interventions, and apply it to 44.98 million documents and approximately 17.2 billion tokens from five parliamentary traditions spanning 1803--2026. The resulting sparse representations agree substantially more strongly with linguistic statistics than dense embeddings or a pooled sparse autoencoder (ρ=0.72 versus 0.29 and 0.28), and reveal that morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics generally change by comparable amounts within a language, while languages differ markedly in when, how far, and in which direction they change. These findings show that historical language change is a structured, multidimensional process: similar magnitudes can conceal different trajectories, and meaningful cross-linguistic comparison requires measuring both distance and direction.

Large language models (LLMs) have recently reached an impressive level of linguistic capability, prompting comparisons with human language skills. However, there have been relatively few systematic inquiries into the linguistic capabilities of the latest generation of LLMs, and those studies that do exist (i) ignore the remarkable ability of humans to generalize, (ii) focus only on English, and (iii) investigate syntax or semantics and overlook other capabilities that lie at the heart of human language, like morphology. Here, we close these gaps by conducting the first rigorous analysis of the morphological capabilities of ChatGPT in four typologically varied languages (specifically, English, German, Tamil, and Turkish). We apply a version of Berko's (1958) wug test to ChatGPT, using novel, uncontaminated datasets for the four examined languages. We find that ChatGPT massively underperforms purpose-built systems, particularly in English. Overall, our results -- through the lens of morphology -- cast a new light on the linguistic capabilities of ChatGPT, suggesting that claims of human-like language skills are premature and misleading.

We introduce TatBLiMP, the first benchmark of linguistic minimal pairs for Tatar (tt, ISO 639-3 tat), a Qypchaq Turkic language written in Cyrillic. To our knowledge it is the first grammaticality evaluation for Tatar language models of any kind, since even the 101-language MultiBLiMP does not include Tatar. TatBLiMP covers 16 morphosyntactic phenomena in 1248 sentence pairs. Each pair differs by a single morpheme, one grammatical and one ungrammatical. A model passes a pair when it assigns higher probability to the grammatical member. Scoring compares probabilities the model already assigns, so the benchmark needs no text generation and no parser, and it runs on base models and on mid-training checkpoints. TatBLiMP adapts the phenomenon inventory and single-morpheme breaking operations of TurBLiMP to Tatar and adds one phenomenon specific to Tatar, bare-noun number after numerals and quantifiers. The grammatical member of every pair is an attested sentence from Tatar literary prose. The ungrammatical member is produced by a deterministic single-morpheme perturbation with the apertium-tat transducer. Every pair is ratified by a native speaker. A plausibility principle governs construction, so the ungrammatical member is a plausible real-world error rather than an arbitrary corruption. Across from-scratch Tatar models, cross-lingual adaptations, and frontier multilingual LLMs, the benchmark tracks focused Tatar training rather than parameter scale. A 478M from-scratch model and a 125M monolingual model lead near 0.97, a 7B adaptation trails, frontier LLMs of 30-120B parameters fall to 0.80-0.92, and a lightly tuned multilingual model is weakest. We close with the benchmark's main limitation. Its inherited taxonomy omits the morphophonology, vowel harmony and consonant assimilation, that is most salient to native speakers, and we sketch a native second layer that would add it.

When a transformer learns an irregular morphological pattern, what has it learned? Our test case is the Spanish L-shaped morphome, a complex irregular pattern in which the verb's stem alternates in exactly the first-person singular indicative and all subjunctive forms, and whose membership no phonological, semantic, or syntactic feature predicts. Prior studies have shown that character-level transformers can reproduce this pattern, but that evidence describes what models produce, not what they represent. Probing five architectures, twelve trained models each, under lemma-disjoint cross-validation with controls and surface baselines, we show that the models encode the L-shaped class itself, not just its visible alternations. It is decodable above every surface baseline, survives instances in which every form shows the same stem, and probes trained on alternating instances still classify non-alternating ones. The encoding is localized where the stem choice is made, at the stem-final consonant position of the middle decoder, before the alternant is read. And it is item-specific: which verbs a model learned matters far more than which architecture it is. The models store the morphome as an item-specific lexical abstraction, sufficient to reproduce the pattern but not to generalize it as humans do.

We present a method for classifying syntactic errors in learner language, namely errors whose correction alters the morphosyntactic structure of a sentence. The methodology builds on the established Universal Dependencies syntactic representation scheme, and provides complementary information to other error-classification systems. Unlike existing error classification methods, our method is applicable across languages, which we showcase by producing a detailed picture of syntactic errors in learner English and learner Russian. We further demonstrate the utility of the methodology for analyzing the outputs of leading Grammatical Error Correction (GEC) systems.

We introduce The Benchmark of Linguistic Minimal Pairs (shortened to BLiMP), a challenge set for evaluating what language models (LMs) know about major grammatical phenomena in English. BLiMP consists of 67 sub-datasets, each containing 1000 minimal pairs isolating specific contrasts in syntax, morphology, or semantics. The data is automatically generated according to expert-crafted grammars, and aggregate human agreement with the labels is 96.4%. We use it to evaluate n-gram, LSTM, and Transformer (GPT-2 and Transformer-XL) LMs. We find that state-of-the-art models identify morphological contrasts reliably, but they struggle with semantic restrictions on the distribution of quantifiers and negative polarity items and subtle syntactic phenomena such as extraction islands.

While multilingual large language models (LLMs) perform well on high-level tasks like translation and question answering, their ability to handle grammatical gender and morphological agreement remains underexplored. In morphologically rich languages, gender influences verb conjugation, pronouns, and even first-person constructions with explicit and implicit mentions of gender. We introduce MORPHOGEN, a morphologically grounded large-scale benchmark dataset for evaluating gender-aware generation in three typologically diverse grammatically gendered languages: French, Arabic, and Hindi. The core task, GENFORM, requires models to rewrite a first-person sentence in the opposite gender while preserving its meaning and structure. We construct a high-quality synthetic dataset spanning these three languages and benchmark 15 popular multilingual LLMs (2B-70B) on their ability to perform this transformation. Our results reveal significant gaps and interesting insights into how current models handle morphological gender. MORPHOGEN provides a focused diagnostic lens for gender-aware language modeling and lays the groundwork for future research on inclusive and morphology-sensitive NLP.

Large language models (LLMs) are capable of writing grammatical text that follows instructions, answers questions, and solves problems. As they have advanced, it has become difficult to distinguish their output from human-written text. While past research has found some differences in surface features such as word choice and punctuation, and developed classifiers to detect LLM output, none has studied the rhetorical styles of LLMs. Using several variants of Llama 3 and GPT-4o, we construct two parallel corpora of human- and LLM-written texts from common prompts. Using Douglas Biber's set of lexical, grammatical, and rhetorical features, we identify systematic differences between LLMs and humans and between different LLMs. These differences persist when moving from smaller models to larger ones, and are larger for instruction-tuned models than base models. This demonstrates that despite their advanced abilities, LLMs struggle to match human styles, and hence more advanced linguistic features can detect patterns in their behavior not previously recognized.

Multilingual language models (LMs) promise broader NLP access, yet current systems deliver uneven performance across the world's languages. This survey examines why these gaps persist and whether they reflect intrinsic linguistic difficulty or modeling artifacts. We organize the literature around two questions: do linguistic disparities arise from representation and allocation choices (e.g., tokenization, encoding, data exposure, parameter sharing) rather than inherent complexity; and which design choices mitigate inequities across typologically diverse languages. We review linguistic features, such as orthography, morphology, lexical diversity, syntax, information density, and typological distance, linking each to concrete modeling mechanisms. Gaps often shrink when segmentation, encoding, and data exposure are normalized, suggesting much apparent difficulty stems from current modeling choices. We synthesize these insights into design recommendations for tokenization, sampling, architectures, and evaluation to support more balanced multilingual LMs.

The Universal Morphology (UniMorph) project is a collaborative effort providing broad-coverage instantiated normalized morphological inflection tables for hundreds of diverse world languages. The project comprises two major thrusts: a language-independent feature schema for rich morphological annotation and a type-level resource of annotated data in diverse languages realizing that schema. This paper presents the expansions and improvements made on several fronts over the last couple of years (since McCarthy et al. (2020)). Collaborative efforts by numerous linguists have added 67 new languages, including 30 endangered languages. We have implemented several improvements to the extraction pipeline to tackle some issues, e.g. missing gender and macron information. We have also amended the schema to use a hierarchical structure that is needed for morphological phenomena like multiple-argument agreement and case stacking, while adding some missing morphological features to make the schema more inclusive. In light of the last UniMorph release, we also augmented the database with morpheme segmentation for 16 languages. Lastly, this new release makes a push towards inclusion of derivational morphology in UniMorph by enriching the data and annotation schema with instances representing derivational processes from MorphyNet.

We present a novel metric for the evaluation of the morphological plausibility of subword segmentation. Unlike the typically used morpheme boundary or retrieval F-score, which requires gold segmentation data that is either unavailable or of inconsistent quality across many languages, our approach utilizes morpho-syntactic features. These are available in resources such as Universal Dependencies or UniMorph for a much wider range of languages. The metric works by probabilistically aligning subwords with morphological features through an IBM Model 1. Our experiments show that the metric correlates well with traditional morpheme boundary recall while being more broadly applicable across languages with different morphological systems.

Despite much progress in recent years, the vast majority of work in natural language processing (NLP) is on standard languages with many speakers. In this work, we instead focus on low-resource languages and in particular non-standardized low-resource languages. Even within branches of major language families, often considered well-researched, little is known about the extent and type of available resources and what the major NLP challenges are for these language varieties. The first step to address this situation is a systematic survey of available corpora (most importantly, annotated corpora, which are particularly valuable for NLP research). Focusing on Germanic low-resource language varieties, we provide such a survey in this paper. Except for geolocation (origin of speaker or document), we find that manually annotated linguistic resources are sparse and, if they exist, mostly cover morphosyntax. Despite this lack of resources, we observe that interest in this area is increasing: there is active development and a growing research community. To facilitate research, we make our overview of over 80 corpora publicly available. We share a companion website of this overview at https://github.com/mainlp/germanic-lrl-corpora .

We investigate structural traces of language contact in the intermediate representations of a monolingual language model. Focusing on Persian (Farsi) as a historically contact-rich language, we probe the representations of a Persian-trained model when exposed to languages with varying degrees and types of contact with Persian. Our methodology quantifies the amount of linguistic information encoded in intermediate representations and assesses how this information is distributed across model components for different morphosyntactic features. The results show that universal syntactic information is largely insensitive to historical contact, whereas morphological features such as Case and Gender are strongly shaped by language-specific structure, suggesting that contact effects in monolingual language models are selective and structurally constrained.

Large language models (LLMs) can reliably distinguish grammatical from ungrammatical sentences, but how grammatical knowledge is represented within the models remains an open question. We investigate whether different syntactic phenomena recruit shared or distinct components in LLMs. Using a functional localization approach inspired by cognitive neuroscience, we identify the LLM units most responsive to 67 English syntactic phenomena in seven open-weight models. These units are consistently recruited across sentences containing the phenomena and causally support the models' syntactic performance. Critically, different types of syntactic agreement (e.g., subject-verb, anaphor, determiner-noun) recruit overlapping sets of units, suggesting that agreement constitutes a meaningful functional category for LLMs. This pattern holds in English, Russian, and Chinese; and further, in a cross-lingual analysis of 57 diverse languages, structurally more similar languages share more units for subject-verb agreement. Taken together, these findings reveal that syntactic agreement-a critical marker of syntactic dependencies-constitutes a meaningful category within LLMs' representational spaces.

Morphological parsing is the task of decomposing words into morphemes, the smallest units of meaning in a language, and labelling their grammatical roles. It is a particularly challenging task for agglutinative languages, such as the Nguni languages of South Africa, which construct words by concatenating multiple morphemes. A morphological parsing system can be framed as a pipeline with two separate components, a segmenter followed by a tagger. This paper investigates the use of neural methods to build morphological taggers for the four Nguni languages. We compare two classes of approaches: training neural sequence labellers (LSTMs and neural CRFs) from scratch and finetuning pretrained language models. We compare performance across these two categories, as well as to a traditional rule-based morphological parser. Neural taggers comfortably outperform the rule-based baseline and models trained from scratch tend to outperform pretrained models. We also compare parsing results across different upstream segmenters and with varying linguistic input features. Our findings confirm the viability of employing neural taggers based on pre-existing morphological segmenters for the Nguni languages.

In recent years, large language models (LLMs) have demonstrated a high capacity for understanding and generating text in Spanish. However, with five hundred million native speakers, Spanish is not a homogeneous language but rather one rich in diatopic variations spanning both sides of the Atlantic. For this reason, in this study, we evaluate the ability of nine language models to identify and distinguish the morphosyntactic and lexical peculiarities of seven varieties of Spanish (Andean, Antillean, Continental Caribbean, Chilean, Peninsular, Mexican and Central American and Rioplatense) through a multiple-choice test. The results indicate that the Peninsular Spanish variety is the best identified by all models and that, among them, GPT-4o is the only model capable of recognizing the variability of the Spanish language. -- En los \'ultimos a\~nos, los grandes modelos de lenguaje (LLMs, por sus siglas en ingl\'es) han demostrado una alta capacidad para comprender y generar texto en espa\~nol. Sin embargo, con quinientos millones de hablantes nativos, la espa\~nola no es una lengua homog\'enea, sino rica en variedades diat\'opicas que se extienden a ambos lados del Atl\'antico. Por todo ello, evaluamos en este trabajo la capacidad de nueve modelos de lenguaje de identificar y discernir las peculiaridades morfosint\'acticas y l\'exicas de siete variedades de espa\~nol (andino, antillano, caribe\~no continental, chileno, espa\~nol peninsular, mexicano y centroamericano y rioplatense) mediante un test de respuesta m\'ultiple. Los resultados obtenidos indican que la variedad de espa\~nol peninsular es la mejor identificada por todos los modelos y que, de entre todos, GPT-4o es el \'unico modelo capaz de identificar la variabilidad de la lengua espa\~nola.

Human bilinguals often use similar brain regions to process multiple languages, depending on when they learned their second language and their proficiency. In large language models (LLMs), how are multiple languages learned and encoded? In this work, we explore the extent to which LLMs share representations of morphosyntactic concepts such as grammatical number, gender, and tense across languages. We train sparse autoencoders on Llama-3-8B and Aya-23-8B, and demonstrate that abstract grammatical concepts are often encoded in feature directions shared across many languages. We use causal interventions to verify the multilingual nature of these representations; specifically, we show that ablating only multilingual features decreases classifier performance to near-chance across languages. We then use these features to precisely modify model behavior in a machine translation task; this demonstrates both the generality and selectivity of these feature's roles in the network. Our findings suggest that even models trained predominantly on English data can develop robust, cross-lingual abstractions of morphosyntactic concepts.

While tokenization is a key step in language modeling, with effects on model training and performance, it remains unclear how to effectively evaluate tokenizer quality. One proposed dimension of tokenizer quality is the extent to which tokenizers preserve linguistically meaningful subwords, aligning token boundaries with morphological boundaries within a word. We expand MorphScore (Arnett & Bergen, 2025), which previously covered 22 languages, to support a total of 70 languages. The updated MorphScore offers more flexibility in evaluation and addresses some of the limitations of the original version. We then correlate our alignment scores with downstream task performance for five pre-trained languages models on seven tasks, with at least one task in each of the languages in our sample. We find that morphological alignment does not explain very much variance in model performance, suggesting that morphological alignment alone does not measure dimensions of tokenization quality relevant to model performance.

Lemmatization is a natural language processing (NLP) task which consists of producing, from a given inflected word, its canonical form or lemma. Lemmatization is one of the basic tasks that facilitate downstream NLP applications, and is of particular importance for high-inflected languages. Given that the process to obtain a lemma from an inflected word can be explained by looking at its morphosyntactic category, including fine-grained morphosyntactic information to train contextual lemmatizers has become common practice, without considering whether that is the optimum in terms of downstream performance. In order to address this issue, in this paper we empirically investigate the role of morphological information to develop contextual lemmatizers in six languages within a varied spectrum of morphological complexity: Basque, Turkish, Russian, Czech, Spanish and English. Furthermore, and unlike the vast majority of previous work, we also evaluate lemmatizers in out-of-domain settings, which constitutes, after all, their most common application use. The results of our study are rather surprising. It turns out that providing lemmatizers with fine-grained morphological features during training is not that beneficial, not even for agglutinative languages. In fact, modern contextual word representations seem to implicitly encode enough morphological information to obtain competitive contextual lemmatizers without seeing any explicit morphological signal. Moreover, our experiments suggest that the best lemmatizers out-of-domain are those using simple UPOS tags or those trained without morphology and, finally, that current evaluation practices for lemmatization are not adequate to clearly discriminate between models.

We present the Knesset Corpus, a corpus of Hebrew parliamentary proceedings containing over 30 million sentences (over 384 million tokens) from all the (plenary and committee) protocols held in the Israeli parliament between 1998 and 2022. Sentences are annotated with morpho-syntactic information and are associated with detailed meta-information reflecting demographic and political properties of the speakers, based on a large database of parliament members and factions that we compiled. We discuss the structure and composition of the corpus and the various processing steps we applied to it. To demonstrate the utility of this novel dataset we present two use cases. We show that the corpus can be used to examine historical developments in the style of political discussions by showing a reduction in lexical richness in the proceedings over time. We also investigate some differences between the styles of men and women speakers. These use cases exemplify the potential of the corpus to shed light on important trends in the Israeli society, supporting research in linguistics, political science, communication, law, etc.

The relationship between language model tokenization and performance is an open area of research. Here, we investigate how different tokenization schemes impact number agreement in Spanish plurals. We find that morphologically-aligned tokenization performs similarly to other tokenization schemes, even when induced artificially for words that would not be tokenized that way during training. We then present exploratory analyses demonstrating that language model embeddings for different plural tokenizations have similar distributions along the embedding space axis that maximally distinguishes singular and plural nouns. Our results suggest that morphologically-aligned tokenization is a viable tokenization approach, and existing models already generalize some morphological patterns to new items. However, our results indicate that morphological tokenization is not strictly required for performance.

This paper analyses the degree to which dialect classifiers based on syntactic representations remain stable over space and time. While previous work has shown that the combination of grammar induction and geospatial text classification produces robust dialect models, we do not know what influence both changing grammars and changing populations have on dialect models. This paper constructs a test set for 12 dialects of English that spans three years at monthly intervals with a fixed spatial distribution across 1,120 cities. Syntactic representations are formulated within the usage-based Construction Grammar paradigm (CxG). The decay rate of classification performance for each dialect over time allows us to identify regions undergoing syntactic change. And the distribution of classification accuracy within dialect regions allows us to identify the degree to which the grammar of a dialect is internally heterogeneous. The main contribution of this paper is to show that a rigorous evaluation of dialect classification models can be used to find both variation over space and change over time.

We study the probabilistic modeling performed by Autoregressive Large Language Models (LLMs) through the angle of time directionality, addressing a question first raised in (Shannon, 1951). For large enough models, we empirically find a time asymmetry in their ability to learn natural language: a difference in the average log-perplexity when trying to predict the next token versus when trying to predict the previous one. This difference is at the same time subtle and very consistent across various modalities (language, model size, training time, ...). Theoretically, this is surprising: from an information-theoretic point of view, there should be no such difference. We provide a theoretical framework to explain how such an asymmetry can appear from sparsity and computational complexity considerations, and outline a number of perspectives opened by our results.

A challenge towards developing NLP systems for the world's languages is understanding how they generalize to typological differences relevant for real-world applications. To this end, we propose M2C, a morphologically-aware framework for behavioral testing of NLP models. We use M2C to generate tests that probe models' behavior in light of specific linguistic features in 12 typologically diverse languages. We evaluate state-of-the-art language models on the generated tests. While models excel at most tests in English, we highlight generalization failures to specific typological characteristics such as temporal expressions in Swahili and compounding possessives in Finish. Our findings motivate the development of models that address these blind spots.

The success of pre-trained contextualized representations has prompted researchers to analyze them for the presence of linguistic information. Indeed, it is natural to assume that these pre-trained representations do encode some level of linguistic knowledge as they have brought about large empirical improvements on a wide variety of NLP tasks, which suggests they are learning true linguistic generalization. In this work, we focus on intrinsic probing, an analysis technique where the goal is not only to identify whether a representation encodes a linguistic attribute but also to pinpoint where this attribute is encoded. We propose a novel latent-variable formulation for constructing intrinsic probes and derive a tractable variational approximation to the log-likelihood. Our results show that our model is versatile and yields tighter mutual information estimates than two intrinsic probes previously proposed in the literature. Finally, we find empirical evidence that pre-trained representations develop a cross-lingually entangled notion of morphosyntax.

In this study, we aim to offer linguistically motivated solutions to resolve the issues of the lack of representation of null morphemes, highly productive derivational processes, and syncretic morphemes of Turkish in the BOUN Treebank without diverging from the Universal Dependencies framework. In order to tackle these issues, new annotation conventions were introduced by splitting certain lemmas and employing the MISC (miscellaneous) tab in the UD framework to denote derivation. Representational capabilities of the re-annotated treebank were tested on a LSTM-based dependency parser and an updated version of the BoAT Tool is introduced.

Structural priming is a cognitive phenomenon where exposure to a particular syntactic structure increases the likelihood of producing the same structure in subsequent utterances. While humans consistently demonstrate structural priming effects across various linguistic contexts, it remains unclear whether multimodal large language models (MLLMs) exhibit similar syntactic preservation behaviors. We introduce PRISMATIC, the first multimodal structural priming dataset, which advances computational linguistics by providing a standardized benchmark for investigating syntax-vision interactions. We propose the Syntactic Preservation Index (SPI), a novel reference-free evaluation metric designed specifically to assess structural priming effects in sentence level. Using this metric, we constructed and tested models with two different multimodal encoding architectures to investigate their structural preservation capabilities. Our experimental results demonstrate that models with both encoding methods show comparable syntactic priming effects. However, only fusion-encoded models exhibit robust positive correlations between priming effects and visual similarity, suggesting a cognitive process more aligned with human psycholinguistic patterns. This work provides new insights into evaluating and understanding how syntactic information is processed in multimodal language models.

Although Germany has a diverse landscape of dialects, they are underrepresented in current automatic speech recognition (ASR) research. To enable studies of how robust models are towards dialectal variation, we present Betthupferl, an evaluation dataset containing four hours of read speech in three dialect groups spoken in Southeast Germany (Franconian, Bavarian, Alemannic), and half an hour of Standard German speech. We provide both dialectal and Standard German transcriptions, and analyze the linguistic differences between them. We benchmark several multilingual state-of-the-art ASR models on speech translation into Standard German, and find differences between how much the output resembles the dialectal vs. standardized transcriptions. Qualitative error analyses of the best ASR model reveal that it sometimes normalizes grammatical differences, but often stays closer to the dialectal constructions.

Large language models typically undergo post-training to align them with safety policies but there exist many sophisticated jailbreaks that sidestep established safeguards. For instance, prior work by Andriushchenko et al. (2025) has found that changing the grammatical tense from present to past can be enough to elicit harmful responses. In this work, we uncover a more general failure of non-imperative syntactic forms. We demonstrate that this syntactic vulnerability exists in 16 models up to 70B parameters, using behavioral evaluation. To investigate the root cause, we apply causal mediation analysis, finding that refusal is partially conditioned on upstream syntactic features. By steering these purely syntactic features we are able to trigger and suppress refusal. Finally, we trace this ill-conditioning to linguistically biased post-training data of open-source models and show that increasing syntactic diversity can mitigate the issue. Our findings suggest that current alignment approaches introduce confounders that prevent a pure semantic grounding of the refusal decision.

We have tried to reproduce the results of the paper "Natural Language Inference over Interaction Space" submitted to ICLR 2018 conference as part of the ICLR 2018 Reproducibility Challenge. Initially, we were not aware that the code was available, so we started to implement the network from scratch. We have evaluated our version of the model on Stanford NLI dataset and reached 86.38% accuracy on the test set, while the paper claims 88.0% accuracy. The main difference, as we understand it, comes from the optimizers and the way model selection is performed.

We introduce MorphNLI, a modular step-by-step approach to natural language inference (NLI). When classifying the premise-hypothesis pairs into {entailment, contradiction, neutral}, we use a language model to generate the necessary edits to incrementally transform (i.e., morph) the premise into the hypothesis. Then, using an off-the-shelf NLI model we track how the entailment progresses with these atomic changes, aggregating these intermediate labels into a final output. We demonstrate the advantages of our proposed method particularly in realistic cross-domain settings, where our method always outperforms strong baselines with improvements up to 12.6% (relative). Further, our proposed approach is explainable as the atomic edits can be used to understand the overall NLI label.

The latest generation of LLMs can be prompted to achieve impressive zero-shot or few-shot performance in many NLP tasks. However, since performance is highly sensitive to the choice of prompts, considerable effort has been devoted to crowd-sourcing prompts or designing methods for prompt optimisation. Yet, we still lack a systematic understanding of how linguistic properties of prompts correlate with task performance. In this work, we investigate how LLMs of different sizes, pre-trained and instruction-tuned, perform on prompts that are semantically equivalent, but vary in linguistic structure. We investigate both grammatical properties such as mood, tense, aspect and modality, as well as lexico-semantic variation through the use of synonyms. Our findings contradict the common assumption that LLMs achieve optimal performance on lower perplexity prompts that reflect language use in pretraining or instruction-tuning data. Prompts transfer poorly between datasets or models, and performance cannot generally be explained by perplexity, word frequency, ambiguity or prompt length. Based on our results, we put forward a proposal for a more robust and comprehensive evaluation standard for prompting research.

The Bengali language, spoken extensively across South Asia and among diasporic communities, exhibits considerable dialectal diversity shaped by geography, culture, and history. Phonological and pronunciation-based classifications broadly identify five principal dialect groups: Eastern Bengali, Manbhumi, Rangpuri, Varendri, and Rarhi. Within Bangladesh, further distinctions emerge through variation in vocabulary, syntax, and morphology, as observed in regions such as Chittagong, Sylhet, Rangpur, Rajshahi, Noakhali, and Barishal. Despite this linguistic richness, systematic research on the computational processing of Bengali dialects remains limited. This study seeks to document and analyze the phonetic and morphological properties of these dialects while exploring the feasibility of building computational models particularly Automatic Speech Recognition (ASR) systems tailored to regional varieties. Such efforts hold potential for applications in virtual assistants and broader language technologies, contributing to both the preservation of dialectal diversity and the advancement of inclusive digital tools for Bengali-speaking communities. The dataset created for this study is released for public use.

Recent advancements in morpheme segmentation primarily emphasize word-level segmentation, often neglecting the contextual relevance within the sentence. In this study, we redefine the morpheme segmentation task as a sequence-to-sequence problem, treating the entire sentence as input rather than isolating individual words. Our findings reveal that the multilingual model consistently exhibits superior performance compared to monolingual counterparts. While our model did not surpass the performance of the current state-of-the-art, it demonstrated comparable efficacy with high-resource languages while revealing limitations in low-resource language scenarios.

Subword-based tokenization methods often fail to preserve morphological boundaries, a limitation especially pronounced in low-resource, morphologically complex languages such as those written in the Geez script. To address this, we present MoVoC (Morpheme-aware Subword Vocabulary Construction) and train MoVoC-Tok, a tokenizer that integrates supervised morphological analysis into the subword vocabulary. This hybrid segmentation approach combines morpheme-based and Byte Pair Encoding (BPE) tokens to preserve morphological integrity while maintaining lexical meaning. To tackle resource scarcity, we curate and release manually annotated morpheme data for four Geez script languages and a morpheme-aware vocabulary for two of them. While the proposed tokenization method does not lead to significant gains in automatic translation quality, we observe consistent improvements in intrinsic metrics, MorphoScore, and Boundary Precision, highlighting the value of morphology-aware segmentation in enhancing linguistic fidelity and token efficiency. Our morpheme-annotated datasets and tokenizer will be publicly available to support further research in low-resource, morphologically rich languages. Our code and data are available on GitHub: https://github.com/hailaykidu/MoVoC

What mechanisms underlie linguistic generalization in large language models (LLMs)? This question has attracted considerable attention, with most studies analyzing the extent to which the language skills of LLMs resemble rules. As of yet, it is not known whether linguistic generalization in LLMs could equally well be explained as the result of analogical processes, which can be formalized as similarity operations on stored exemplars. A key shortcoming of prior research is its focus on linguistic phenomena with a high degree of regularity, for which rule-based and analogical approaches make the same predictions. Here, we instead examine derivational morphology, specifically English adjective nominalization, which displays notable variability. We introduce a new method for investigating linguistic generalization in LLMs: focusing on GPT-J, we fit cognitive models that instantiate rule-based and analogical learning to the LLM training data and compare their predictions on a set of nonce adjectives with those of the LLM, allowing us to draw direct conclusions regarding underlying mechanisms. As expected, rule-based and analogical models explain the predictions of GPT-J equally well for adjectives with regular nominalization patterns. However, for adjectives with variable nominalization patterns, the analogical model provides a much better match. Furthermore, GPT-J's behavior is sensitive to the individual word frequencies, even for regular forms, a behavior that is consistent with an analogical account of regular forms but not a rule-based one. These findings refute the hypothesis that GPT-J's linguistic generalization on adjective nominalization involves rules, suggesting similarity operations on stored exemplars as the underlying mechanism. Overall, our study suggests that analogical processes play a bigger role in the linguistic generalization of LLMs than previously thought.

The prevalence of social media presents a growing opportunity to collect and analyse examples of English varieties. Whilst usage of these varieties was - and, in many cases, still is - used only in spoken contexts or hard-to-access private messages, social media sites like Twitter provide a platform for users to communicate informally in a scrapeable format. Notably, Indian English (Hinglish), Singaporean English (Singlish), and African-American English (AAE) can be commonly found online. These varieties pose a challenge to existing natural language processing (NLP) tools as they often differ orthographically and syntactically from standard English for which the majority of these tools are built. NLP models trained on standard English texts produced biased outcomes for users of underrepresented varieties. Some research has aimed to overcome the inherent biases caused by unrepresentative data through techniques like data augmentation or adjusting training models. We aim to address the issue of bias at its root - the data itself. We curate a dataset of tweets from countries with high proportions of underserved English variety speakers, and propose an annotation framework of six categorical classifications along a pseudo-spectrum that measures the degree of standard English and that thereby indirectly aims to surface the manifestations of English varieties in these tweets. Following best annotation practices, our growing corpus features 170,800 tweets taken from 7 countries, labeled by annotators who are from those countries and can communicate in regionally-dominant varieties of English. Our corpus highlights the accuracy discrepancies in pre-trained language identifiers between western English and non-western (i.e., less standard) English varieties. We hope to contribute to the growing literature identifying and reducing the implicit demographic discrepancies in NLP.

Tokenization is fundamental to Natural Language Processing (NLP), directly impacting model efficiency and linguistic fidelity. While Byte Pair Encoding (BPE) is widely used in Large Language Models (LLMs), it often disregards morpheme boundaries, leading to suboptimal segmentation, particularly in morphologically rich languages. We introduce MorphBPE, a morphology-aware extension of BPE that integrates linguistic structure into subword tokenization while preserving statistical efficiency. Additionally, we propose two morphology-based evaluation metrics: (i) Morphological Consistency F1-Score, which quantifies the consistency between morpheme sharing and token sharing, contributing to LLM training convergence, and (ii) Morphological Edit Distance, which measures alignment between morphemes and tokens concerning interpretability. Experiments on English, Russian, Hungarian, and Arabic across 300M and 1B parameter LLMs demonstrate that MorphBPE consistently reduces cross-entropy loss, accelerates convergence, and improves morphological alignment scores. Fully compatible with existing LLM pipelines, MorphBPE requires minimal modifications for integration. The MorphBPE codebase and tokenizer playground will be available at: https://github.com/llm-lab-org/MorphBPE and https://tokenizer.llm-lab.org

Modern Greek is a richly inflected language, yet the language models built for it are evaluated mainly on factual knowledge, and no benchmark is dedicated to their inflectional competence. We introduce MORFES (Morphological Open-class Recognition-and-Formation Evaluation Suite), a benchmark of 500 expert-verified items that tests the recognition and production of Greek inflected forms, favoring lower-frequency lemmas so that a correct answer reflects the rule rather than a memorized form. We make it publicly available at https://huggingface.co/datasets/KIEFERSA/MORFES. We evaluate a range of open language models on MORFES, situating them within the rapidly scaling open-weight ecosystem from LLaMA to Qwen3, DeepSeek-R1, Magistral, and Kimi K2, where multilingual coverage grows but grammatical competence in morphologically rich languages remains under-measured. Among them, Sophea-Genesis-1, a model we developed and release as open weights at https://huggingface.co/KIEFERSA/Sophea-Genesis-1, leads on inflectional morphology while matching similarly sized models in general capability.

The SIGMORPHON 2022 shared task on morpheme segmentation challenged systems to decompose a word into a sequence of morphemes and covered most types of morphology: compounds, derivations, and inflections. Subtask 1, word-level morpheme segmentation, covered 5 million words in 9 languages (Czech, English, Spanish, Hungarian, French, Italian, Russian, Latin, Mongolian) and received 13 system submissions from 7 teams and the best system averaged 97.29% F1 score across all languages, ranging English (93.84%) to Latin (99.38%). Subtask 2, sentence-level morpheme segmentation, covered 18,735 sentences in 3 languages (Czech, English, Mongolian), received 10 system submissions from 3 teams, and the best systems outperformed all three state-of-the-art subword tokenization methods (BPE, ULM, Morfessor2) by 30.71% absolute. To facilitate error analysis and support any type of future studies, we released all system predictions, the evaluation script, and all gold standard datasets.

The quality of subword tokenization is critical for Large Language Models, yet evaluating tokenizers for morphologically rich Uralic languages is hampered by the lack of clean morpheme lexicons. We introduce SampoNLP, a corpus-free toolkit for morphological lexicon creation using MDL-inspired Self-Referential Atomicity Scoring, which filters composite forms through internal structural cues - suited for low-resource settings. Using the high-purity lexicons generated by SampoNLP for Finnish, Hungarian, and Estonian, we conduct a systematic evaluation of BPE tokenizers across a range of vocabulary sizes (8k-256k). We propose a unified metric, the Integrated Performance Score (IPS), to navigate the trade-off between morpheme coverage and over-splitting. By analyzing the IPS curves, we identify the "elbow points" of diminishing returns and provide the first empirically grounded recommendations for optimal vocabulary sizes (k) in these languages. Our study not only offers practical guidance but also quantitatively demonstrates the limitations of standard BPE for highly agglutinative languages. The SampoNLP library and all generated resources are made publicly available: https://github.com/AragonerUA/SampoNLP

We study the relationship between vocabulary size and text length in a corpus of 75 literary works in English, authored by six writers, distinguishing between the contributions of three grammatical classes (or ``tags,'' namely, {\it nouns}, {\it verbs}, and {\it others}), and analyze the progressive appearance of new words of each tag along each individual text. While the power-law relation prescribed by Heaps' law is satisfactorily fulfilled by total vocabulary sizes and text lengths, the appearance of new words in each text is on the whole well described by the average of random shufflings of the text, which does not obey a power law. Deviations from this average, however, are statistically significant and show a systematic trend across the corpus. Specifically, they reveal that the appearance of new words along each text is predominantly retarded with respect to the average of random shufflings. Moreover, different tags are shown to add systematically distinct contributions to this tendency, with {\it verbs} and {\it others} being respectively more and less retarded than the mean trend, and {\it nouns} following instead this overall mean. These statistical systematicities are likely to point to the existence of linguistically relevant information stored in the different variants of Heaps' law, a feature that is still in need of extensive assessment.

This article analyzes BPE tokenization in Polish as a test case for the limits of statistical segmentation in an inflectional language. It asks whether frequency-based tokenization preserves linguistically relevant units, including orthographic form, phonemic and syllabic segmentation, derivational structure, inflectional endings, grammatical form, and the speaking subject. The material includes diagnostic words, a children's text, selected forms from the Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, word-family tests, and examples with Polish diacritics and nasal vowels. BPE tokenizers may produce segments that coincide with syllabic or morphologically interpretable divisions, but remain dependent on the frequency of written forms. They do not systematically map orthographic representation onto phonemic structure or context-dependent phonetic realization. The results show that BPE stabilizes frequent surface fragments of grammatical exponents rather than grammatical categories themselves. A form such as ustanawiamy is not merely a sequence ending in -y, but a verbal form anchored in conjugation, person, number, tense, mood, and aspect. The article develops the concept of grammatical form anchoring. In Polish, forms such as poszlam, zrobilam, or bylam can establish the position of the speaking subject without an explicit pronoun. In interaction with AI, this exposes a further problem: a language model does not possess a stable grammatical "I", but reconstructs it contextually and may mirror the user's forms or shift grammatical gender. Roclawski's segmentation-flexional forms are proposed as a diagnostic framework for evaluating tokenization boundaries. More stable modeling of Polish may require sublexical stabilization, anchoring grammatical form in the inflectional system, representing sentence patterns and verbal valency, and maintaining the grammatical "I" in dialogue.

Computational historical linguistics seeks to systematically understand processes of sound change, including during periods at which little to no formal recording of language is attested. At the same time, few computational resources exist which deeply explore phonological and morphological connections between proto-languages and their descendants. This is particularly true for the family of Italic languages. To assist historical linguists in the study of Italic sound change, we introduce the Proto-Italic to Latin (PILA) dataset, which consists of roughly 3,000 pairs of forms from Proto-Italic and Latin. We provide a detailed description of how our dataset was created and organized. Then, we exhibit PILA's value in two ways. First, we present baseline results for PILA on a pair of traditional computational historical linguistics tasks. Second, we demonstrate PILA's capability for enhancing other historical-linguistic datasets through a dataset compatibility study.

A major consideration in multilingual language modeling is how to best represent languages with diverse vocabularies and scripts. Although contemporary text encoding methods cover most of the world's writing systems, they exhibit bias towards the high-resource languages of the Global West. As a result, texts of underrepresented languages tend to be segmented into long sequences of linguistically meaningless units. To address the disparities, we introduce a new paradigm that encodes the same information with segments of consistent size across diverse languages. Our encoding convention (MYTE) is based on morphemes, as their inventories are more balanced across languages than characters, which are used in previous methods. We show that MYTE produces shorter encodings for all 99 analyzed languages, with the most notable improvements for non-European languages and non-Latin scripts. This, in turn, improves multilingual LM performance and diminishes the perplexity gap throughout diverse languages.

Minimal pairs are a well-established approach to evaluating the grammatical knowledge of language models. However, existing resources for minimal pairs address a limited number of languages and lack diversity of language-specific grammatical phenomena. This paper introduces the Russian Benchmark of Linguistic Minimal Pairs (RuBLiMP), which includes 45k pairs of sentences that differ in grammaticality and isolate a morphological, syntactic, or semantic phenomenon. In contrast to existing benchmarks of linguistic minimal pairs, RuBLiMP is created by applying linguistic perturbations to automatically annotated sentences from open text corpora and carefully curating test data. We describe the data collection protocol and present the results of evaluating 25 language models in various scenarios. We find that the widely used language models for Russian are sensitive to morphological and agreement-oriented contrasts but fall behind humans on phenomena requiring understanding of structural relations, negation, transitivity, and tense. RuBLiMP, the codebase, and other materials are publicly available.

We analyze the influence of utterance-level construction distributions in German child-directed speech on the resulting formal linguistic competence and the underlying learning trajectories for small language models trained on a novel collection of developmentally plausible language data for German. We find that trajectories are surprisingly robust for markedly different distributions of constructions in the training data, which have little effect on final accuracies and almost no effect on global learning trajectories. While syntax learning benefits from more complex utterances, lexical learning culminates in better scores with more fragmentary data. We argue that LMs trained on developmentally plausible data can contribute to debates on how rich or impoverished linguistic stimuli actually are.

Byte-level language models are usually argued for on the grounds of robustness, multilingual fairness, and character-level skills. We point to a different, structural advantage: because they read and write bytes, any two of them share an output space, so knowledge transfer between them is exact and independent of how either was originally tokenized. We hypothesize that the two distributions a byte-level model produces, one over the next byte, one over where its patch boundaries fall, can be disentangled and changed almost independently. A model could absorb a teacher's capability while keeping its own boundaries, or change how it places those boundaries while keeping its capabilities. We lay out the two experiments that would settle the hypothesis, alongside preliminary measurements of the properties they rest on. We argue that the community should move toward a byte-level interface as a shared standard: if the hypothesis holds, then once byte-level models are the norm, transferring capabilities and reshaping boundaries between them become cheap and routine, free of the per-model tokenizer that blocks them today.

While crosslingual transfer is crucial to contemporary language models' multilingual capabilities, how it occurs is not well understood. In this paper, we ask what happens to a monolingual language model when it begins to be trained on a second language. Specifically, we train small bilingual models for which we control the amount of data for each language and the order of language exposure. To find evidence of shared multilingual representations, we turn to structural priming, a method used to study grammatical representations in humans. We first replicate previous crosslingual structural priming results and find that after controlling for training data quantity and language exposure, there are asymmetrical effects across language pairs and directions. We argue that this asymmetry may shape hypotheses about human structural priming effects. We also find that structural priming effects are less robust for less similar language pairs, highlighting potential limitations of crosslingual transfer learning and shared representations for typologically diverse languages.

We survey clinical document corpora, with focus on German textual data. Due to rigid data privacy legislation in Germany these resources, with only few exceptions, are stored in safe clinical data spaces and locked against clinic-external researchers. This situation stands in stark contrast with established workflows in the field of natural language processing where easy accessibility and reuse of data collections are common practice. Hence, alternative corpus designs have been examined to escape from this data poverty. Besides machine translation of English clinical datasets and the generation of synthetic corpora with fictitious clinical contents, several other types of domain proxies have come up as substitutes for authentic clinical documents. Common instances of close proxies are medical journal publications, clinical therapy guidelines, drug labels, etc., more distant proxies include online encyclopedic medical articles or medical contents from social media channels. After PRISM-conformant screening of 359 hits from four bibliographic systems, 75 relevant documents were finally selected for this review and 59 distinct corpora were determined. We identified 24 real clinical corpora (from 40 publications) out of which only 5 are publicly distributable. 2 translations of real corpora and 3 synthetic ones complement the set of clinical corpora. 14 corpora were categorized as close domain proxies, 16 as distant ones. There is a clear divide between the large number of non-accessible authentic clinical German-language corpora and their publicly accessible substitutes: translated or synthetic, close or more distant proxies. So on first sight, the data bottleneck seems broken. Intuitively yet, differences in genre-specific writing style, wording and medical domain expertise in this typological space are also obvious. This raises the question how valid alternative corpus designs really are.

Construction grammar posits that children acquire constructions (form-meaning pairings) from the statistics of their environment. Recent work supports this hypothesis by showing sensitivity to constructions in pretrained language models (PLMs), including one recent study (Rozner et al., 2025) demonstrating that constructions shape the PLM's output distribution. However, models under study have generally been trained on developmentally implausible amounts of data, casting doubt on their relevance to human language learning. Here we use Rozner et al.'s methods to evaluate constructional learning in models from the 2024 BabyLM challenge. Our results show that even when trained on developmentally plausible quantities of data, models represent diverse constructions, even hard cases that are superficially indistinguishable. We further find correlational evidence that constructional performance may be functionally relevant: models that better represent constructions perform better on the BabyLM benchmarks.

Data augmentation, a widely-employed technique for addressing data scarcity, involves generating synthetic data examples which are then used to augment available training data. Researchers have seen surprising success from simple methods, such as random perturbations from natural examples, where models seem to benefit even from data with nonsense words, or data that doesn't conform to the rules of the language. A second line of research produces synthetic data that does in fact follow all linguistic constraints; these methods require some linguistic expertise and are generally more challenging to implement. No previous work has done a systematic, empirical comparison of both linguistically-naive and linguistically-motivated data augmentation strategies, leaving uncertainty about whether the additional time and effort of linguistically-motivated data augmentation work in fact yields better downstream performance. In this work, we conduct a careful and comprehensive comparison of augmentation strategies (both linguistically-naive and linguistically-motivated) for two low-resource languages with different morphological properties, Uspanteko and Arapaho. We evaluate the effectiveness of many different strategies and their combinations across two important sequence-to-sequence tasks for low-resource languages: machine translation and interlinear glossing. We find that linguistically-motivated strategies can have benefits over naive approaches, but only when the new examples they produce are not significantly unlike the training data distribution.

Abstract grammatical knowledge - of parts of speech and grammatical patterns - is key to the capacity for linguistic generalization in humans. But how abstract is grammatical knowledge in large language models? In the human literature, compelling evidence for grammatical abstraction comes from structural priming. A sentence that shares the same grammatical structure as a preceding sentence is processed and produced more readily. Because confounds exist when using stimuli in a single language, evidence of abstraction is even more compelling from crosslingual structural priming, where use of a syntactic structure in one language primes an analogous structure in another language. We measure crosslingual structural priming in large language models, comparing model behavior to human experimental results from eight crosslingual experiments covering six languages, and four monolingual structural priming experiments in three non-English languages. We find evidence for abstract monolingual and crosslingual grammatical representations in the models that function similarly to those found in humans. These results demonstrate that grammatical representations in multilingual language models are not only similar across languages, but they can causally influence text produced in different languages.

Language models perform well on grammatical agreement, but it is unclear whether this reflects rule-based generalization or memorization. We study this question for German definite singular articles, whose forms depend on gender and case. Using GRADIEND, a gradient-based interpretability method, we learn parameter update directions for gender-case specific article transitions. We find that updates learned for a specific gender-case article transition frequently affect unrelated gender-case settings, with substantial overlap among the most affected neurons across settings. These results argue against a strictly rule-based encoding of German definite articles, indicating that models at least partly rely on memorized associations rather than abstract grammatical rules.

Tokenization is a foundational step in NLP pipelines, yet standard evaluation metrics such as fertility rate fail to capture morphological correctness for agglutinative languages. We present QuechuaTok, a systematic benchmark comparing four tokenization strategies - BPE, Unigram LM, WordPiece, and a morphology-aware PRPE tokenizer - for Southern Quechua (quz), a low-resource agglutinative language spoken by 8-10 million people in South America. Using a 200k-sentence corpus and the SQUOIA finite-state morphological analyzer (Rios, 2016) as silver standard, we evaluate three metrics: fertility rate, OOV rate, and morphological boundary accuracy (MorphAcc). Our results show that BPE achieves the lowest fertility rate (1.636 at 16k vocab) by memorizing surface word forms, while achieving only 6.67% MorphAcc. PRPE achieves 83.33% MorphAcc - the highest of all systems - demonstrating that fertility rate alone is insufficient to evaluate tokenizers for agglutinative languages. All code and models are publicly available at kaggle.com/code/macmaky/quechuatok

Social Media platforms have offered invaluable opportunities for linguistic research. The availability of up-to-date data, coming from any part in the world, and coming from natural contexts, has allowed researchers to study language in real time. One of the fields that has made great use of social media platforms is Corpus Linguistics. There is currently a wide range of projects which have been able to successfully create corpora from social media. In this paper, we present the development and deployment of a linguistic corpus from Twitter posts in English, coming from 26 news agencies and 27 individuals. The main goal was to create a fully annotated English corpus for linguistic analysis. We include information on morphology and syntax, as well as NLP features such as tokenization, lemmas, and n- grams. The information is presented through a range of powerful visualisations for users to explore linguistic patterns in the corpus. With this tool, we aim to contribute to the area of language technologies applied to linguistic research.

Coecke, Sadrzadeh, and Clark (arXiv:1003.4394v1 [cs.CL]) developed a compositional model of meaning for distributional semantics, in which each word in a sentence has a meaning vector and the distributional meaning of the sentence is a function of the tensor products of the word vectors. Abstractly speaking, this function is the morphism corresponding to the grammatical structure of the sentence in the category of finite dimensional vector spaces. In this paper, we provide a concrete method for implementing this linear meaning map, by constructing a corpus-based vector space for the type of sentence. Our construction method is based on structured vector spaces whereby meaning vectors of all sentences, regardless of their grammatical structure, live in the same vector space. Our proposed sentence space is the tensor product of two noun spaces, in which the basis vectors are pairs of words each augmented with a grammatical role. This enables us to compare meanings of sentences by simply taking the inner product of their vectors.

Language places subtle constraints on how we make inductive inferences. Developmental evidence by Gelman et al. (2002) has shown children (4 years and older) to differentiate among generic statements ("Bears are daxable"), universally quantified NPs ("all bears are daxable") and indefinite plural NPs ("some bears are daxable") in extending novel properties to a specific member (all > generics > some), suggesting that they represent these types of propositions differently. We test if these subtle differences arise in general purpose statistical learners like Vision Language Models, by replicating the original experiment. On tasking them through a series of precondition tests (robust identification of categories in images and sensitivities to all and some), followed by the original experiment, we find behavioral alignment between models and humans. Post-hoc analyses on their representations revealed that these differences are organized based on inductive constraints and not surface-form differences.

Grammatical error correction (GEC) is the task of correcting typos, spelling, punctuation and grammatical issues in text. Approaching the problem as a sequence-to-sequence task, we compare the use of a common subword unit vocabulary and byte-level encoding. Initial synthetic training data is created using an error-generating pipeline, and used for finetuning two subword-level models and one byte-level model. Models are then finetuned further on hand-corrected error corpora, including texts written by children, university students, dyslexic and second-language writers, and evaluated over different error types and origins. We show that a byte-level model enables higher correction quality than a subword approach, not only for simple spelling errors, but also for more complex semantic, stylistic and grammatical issues. In particular, initial training on synthetic corpora followed by finetuning on a relatively small parallel corpus of real-world errors helps the byte-level model correct a wide range of commonly occurring errors. Our experiments are run for the Icelandic language but should hold for other similar languages, particularly morphologically rich ones.

Korean is a morphologically rich language with a featural writing system in which each character is systematically composed of subcharacter units known as Jamo. These subcharacters not only determine the visual structure of Korean but also encode frequent and linguistically meaningful morphophonological processes. However, most current Korean language models (LMs) are based on subword tokenization schemes, which are not explicitly designed to capture the internal compositional structure of characters. To address this limitation, we propose SCRIPT, a model-agnostic module that injects subcharacter compositional knowledge into Korean PLMs. SCRIPT allows to enhance subword embeddings with structural granularity, without requiring architectural changes or additional pre-training. As a result, SCRIPT enhances all baselines across various Korean natural language understanding (NLU) and generation (NLG) tasks. Moreover, beyond performance gains, detailed linguistic analyses show that SCRIPT reshapes the embedding space in a way that better captures grammatical regularities and semantically cohesive variations. Our code is available at https://github.com/SungHo3268/SCRIPT.

Turkish is agglutinative: meaning is carried by morphemes, yet the subword tokenizers that drive modern language models split words by corpus statistics, fragmenting semantically loaded suffixes and -- in the case of WordPiece and rule-based analyzers -- failing to decode their output back to the original text. This paper presents Morpheus, a neural morpheme-boundary model for Turkish that is at once a lossless, morphology-aware tokenizer and a word-embedding producer. A differentiable Poisson-binomial dynamic program turns per-character boundary probabilities into soft morpheme memberships during training and exact segments at inference, with no string normalization, so decode(encode(w)) = w holds by construction. Because the model is neural, the same forward pass that tokenizes also emits a structured word embedding. Among reversible tokenizers -- the only ones valid for generation -- Morpheus attains the lowest bits-per-character (1.425), roughly doubles the gold morphological alignment of the subword family (MorphScore macro-F1 0.61 vs.\ {sim}0.32), and uses {sim}19% less GPU memory than 64K-vocabulary subword tokenizers. As an embedder, frozen Morpheus vectors lead on lexical retrieval (root-family MAP 0.85) and same-root verification (ROC-AUC 1.00), surpassing the multilingual retriever BGE-M3 and BERTurk; on context- and inflection-dependent tasks (NER, case/number probing) the heavier contextual encoders remain ahead -- a trade-off we attribute to Morpheus's root-centric geometry. Code: https://github.com/lonewolf-rd/TurkishMorpheus; model: https://huggingface.co/lonewolflab/Morpheus-TR-50K; interactive demo: https://huggingface.co/spaces/lonewolflab/morpheus-tr-demo.

This study examines the extent to which Large Language Models (LLMs) capture geographic lexical variation in Spanish, a language that exhibits substantial regional variation. Treating LLMs as virtual informants, we probe their dialectal knowledge using two survey-style question formats: Yes-No questions and multiple-choice questions. To this end, we exploited a large-scale, expert-curated database of Spanish lexical variation. Our evaluation covers more than 900 lexical items across 21 Spanish-speaking countries and is conducted at both the country and dialectal area levels. Across both evaluation formats, the results reveal systematic differences in how LLMs represent Spanish language varieties. Lexical variation associated with Spain, Equatorial Guinea, Mexico & Central America, and the La Plata River is recognized more accurately by the models, while the Chilean variety proves particularly difficult for the models to distinguish. Importantly, differences in the volume of country-level digital resources do not account for these performance patterns, suggesting that factors beyond data quantity shape dialectal representation in LLMs. By providing a fine-grained, large-scale evaluation of geographic lexical variation, this work advances empirical understanding of dialectal knowledge in LLMs and contributes new evidence to discussions of Digital Linguistic Bias in Spanish.

In this paper, we evaluate the capacity of current language technologies to understand Basque and Spanish language varieties. We use Natural Language Inference (NLI) as a pivot task and introduce a novel, manually-curated parallel dataset in Basque and Spanish, along with their respective variants. Our empirical analysis of crosslingual and in-context learning experiments using encoder-only and decoder-based Large Language Models (LLMs) shows a performance drop when handling linguistic variation, especially in Basque. Error analysis suggests that this decline is not due to lexical overlap, but rather to the linguistic variation itself. Further ablation experiments indicate that encoder-only models particularly struggle with Western Basque, which aligns with linguistic theory that identifies peripheral dialects (e.g., Western) as more distant from the standard. All data and code are publicly available.

Standard English and Malaysian English exhibit notable differences, posing challenges for natural language processing (NLP) tasks on Malaysian English. Unfortunately, most of the existing datasets are mainly based on standard English and therefore inadequate for improving NLP tasks in Malaysian English. An experiment using state-of-the-art Named Entity Recognition (NER) solutions on Malaysian English news articles highlights that they cannot handle morphosyntactic variations in Malaysian English. To the best of our knowledge, there is no annotated dataset available to improvise the model. To address these issues, we constructed a Malaysian English News (MEN) dataset, which contains 200 news articles that are manually annotated with entities and relations. We then fine-tuned the spaCy NER tool and validated that having a dataset tailor-made for Malaysian English could improve the performance of NER in Malaysian English significantly. This paper presents our effort in the data acquisition, annotation methodology, and thorough analysis of the annotated dataset. To validate the quality of the annotation, inter-annotator agreement was used, followed by adjudication of disagreements by a subject matter expert. Upon completion of these tasks, we managed to develop a dataset with 6,061 entities and 3,268 relation instances. Finally, we discuss on spaCy fine-tuning setup and analysis on the NER performance. This unique dataset will contribute significantly to the advancement of NLP research in Malaysian English, allowing researchers to accelerate their progress, particularly in NER and relation extraction. The dataset and annotation guideline has been published on Github.

Neural dependency parsing has achieved remarkable performance for low resource morphologically rich languages. It has also been well-studied that morphologically rich languages exhibit relatively free word order. This prompts a fundamental investigation: Is there a way to enhance dependency parsing performance, making the model robust to word order variations utilizing the relatively free word order nature of morphologically rich languages? In this work, we examine the robustness of graph-based parsing architectures on 7 relatively free word order languages. We focus on scrutinizing essential modifications such as data augmentation and the removal of position encoding required to adapt these architectures accordingly. To this end, we propose a contrastive self-supervised learning method to make the model robust to word order variations. Furthermore, our proposed modification demonstrates a substantial average gain of 3.03/2.95 points in 7 relatively free word order languages, as measured by the UAS/LAS Score metric when compared to the best performing baseline.

Unsupervised constituency parsing focuses on identifying word sequences that form a syntactic unit (i.e., constituents) in target sentences. Linguists identify the constituent by evaluating a set of Predicate-Argument Structure (PAS) equivalent sentences where we find the constituent appears more frequently than non-constituents (i.e., the constituent corresponds to a frequent word sequence within the sentence set). However, such frequency information is unavailable in previous parsing methods that identify the constituent by observing sentences with diverse PAS. In this study, we empirically show that constituents correspond to frequent word sequences in the PAS-equivalent sentence set. We propose a frequency-based parser span-overlap that (1) computes the span-overlap score as the word sequence's frequency in the PAS-equivalent sentence set and (2) identifies the constituent structure by finding a constituent tree with the maximum span-overlap score. The parser achieves state-of-the-art level parsing accuracy, outperforming existing unsupervised parsers in eight out of ten languages. Additionally, we discover a multilingual phenomenon: participant-denoting constituents tend to have higher span-overlap scores than equal-length event-denoting constituents, meaning that the former tend to appear more frequently in the PAS-equivalent sentence set than the latter. The phenomenon indicates a statistical difference between the two constituent types, laying the foundation for future labeled unsupervised parsing research.

We introduce TurBLiMP, the first Turkish benchmark of linguistic minimal pairs, designed to evaluate the linguistic abilities of monolingual and multilingual language models (LMs). Covering 16 linguistic phenomena with 1000 minimal pairs each, TurBLiMP fills an important gap in linguistic evaluation resources for Turkish. In designing the benchmark, we give extra attention to two properties of Turkish that remain understudied in current syntactic evaluations of LMs, namely word order flexibility and subordination through morphological processes. Our experiments on a wide range of LMs and a newly collected set of human acceptability judgments reveal that even cutting-edge Large LMs still struggle with grammatical phenomena that are not challenging for humans, and may also exhibit different sensitivities to word order and morphological complexity compared to humans.

Protolanguage reconstruction is central to historical linguistics. The comparative method, one of the most influential theoretical and methodological frameworks in the history of the language sciences, allows linguists to infer protoforms (reconstructed ancestral words) from their reflexes (related modern words) based on the assumption of regular sound change. Not surprisingly, numerous computational linguists have attempted to operationalize comparative reconstruction through various computational models, the most successful of which have been supervised encoder-decoder models, which treat the problem of predicting protoforms given sets of reflexes as a sequence-to-sequence problem. We argue that this framework ignores one of the most important aspects of the comparative method: not only should protoforms be inferable from cognate sets (sets of related reflexes) but the reflexes should also be inferable from the protoforms. Leveraging another line of research -- reflex prediction -- we propose a system in which candidate protoforms from a reconstruction model are reranked by a reflex prediction model. We show that this more complete implementation of the comparative method allows us to surpass state-of-the-art protoform reconstruction methods on three of four Chinese and Romance datasets.

Language is an intricately structured system, and a key goal of NLP interpretability is to provide methodological insights for understanding how language models represent this structure internally. In this paper, we use Shapley Taylor interaction indices (STII) in order to examine how language and speech models internally relate and structure their inputs. Pairwise Shapley interactions measure how much two inputs work together to influence model outputs beyond if we linearly added their independent influences, providing a view into how models encode structural interactions between inputs. We relate the interaction patterns in models to three underlying linguistic structures: syntactic structure, non-compositional semantics, and phonetic coarticulation. We find that autoregressive text models encode interactions that correlate with the syntactic proximity of inputs, and that both autoregressive and masked models encode nonlinear interactions in idiomatic phrases with non-compositional semantics. Our speech results show that inputs are more entangled for pairs where a neighboring consonant is likely to influence a vowel or approximant, showing that models encode the phonetic interaction needed for extracting discrete phonemic representations.

Large language models exhibit positional bias -- systematic neglect of information at specific context positions -- yet its interplay with linguistic diversity remains poorly understood. We present a cross-linguistic study across five typologically distinct languages (English, Russian, German, Hindi, Vietnamese), examining how positional bias interacts with model uncertainty, syntax, and prompting. Key findings: (1) Positional bias is model-driven, with language-specific variations -- Qwen2.5-7B favors late positions, challenging assumptions of early-token bias; (2) Explicit positional guidance (e.g., correct context is at position X) reduces accuracy across languages, undermining prompt-engineering practices; (3) Aligning context with positional bias increases entropy, yet minimal entropy does not predict accuracy. (4) We further uncover that LLMs differently impose dominant word order in free-word-order languages like Hindi.

In this work, we measure the impact of affixal negation on modern English large language models (LLMs). In affixal negation, the negated meaning is expressed through a negative morpheme, which is potentially challenging for LLMs as their tokenizers are often not morphologically plausible. We conduct extensive experiments using LLMs with different subword tokenization methods, which lead to several insights on the interaction between tokenization performance and negation sensitivity. Despite some interesting mismatches between tokenization accuracy and negation detection performance, we show that models can, on the whole, reliably recognize the meaning of affixal negation.

Linear sequences of words are implicitly represented in our brains by hierarchical structures that organize the composition of words in sentences. Linguists formalize different frameworks to model this hierarchy; two of the most common syntactic frameworks are Constituency and Dependency. Constituency represents sentences as nested groups of phrases, while dependency represents a sentence by assigning relations between its words. Recently, the pursuit of intelligent machines has produced Language Models (LMs) capable of solving many language tasks with a human-level performance. Many studies now question whether LMs implicitly represent syntactic hierarchies. This thesis focuses on producing constituency and dependency structures from LMs in an unsupervised setting. I review the critical methods in this field and highlight a line of work that utilizes a numerical representation for binary constituency trees (Syntactic Distance). I present a detailed study on StructFormer (SF) (Shen et al., 2021), which retrofits a transformer encoder architecture with a parser network to produce constituency and dependency structures. I present six experiments to analyze and address this field's challenges; experiments include investigating the effect of repositioning the parser network within the SF architecture, evaluating subword-based induced trees, and benchmarking the models developed in the thesis experiments on linguistic tasks. Models benchmarking is performed by participating in the BabyLM challenge, published at CoNLL 2023 (Momen et al., 2023). The results of this thesis encourage further development in the direction of retrofitting transformer-based models to induce syntactic structures, supported by the acceptable performance of SF in different experimental settings and the observed limitations that require innovative solutions to advance the state of syntactic structure induction.

We introduce Holmes, a benchmark to assess the linguistic competence of language models (LMs) - their ability to grasp linguistic phenomena. Unlike prior prompting-based evaluations, Holmes assesses the linguistic competence of LMs via their internal representations using classifier-based probing. In doing so, we disentangle specific phenomena (e.g., part-of-speech of words) from other cognitive abilities, like following textual instructions, and meet recent calls to assess LMs' linguistic competence in isolation. Composing Holmes, we review over 250 probing studies and feature more than 200 datasets to assess syntax, morphology, semantics, reasoning, and discourse phenomena. Analyzing over 50 LMs reveals that, aligned with known trends, their linguistic competence correlates with model size. However, surprisingly, model architecture and instruction tuning also significantly influence performance, particularly in morphology and syntax. Finally, we propose FlashHolmes, a streamlined version of Holmes designed to lower the high computation load while maintaining high-ranking precision.

The availability of parallel texts is crucial to the performance of machine translation models. However, most of the world's languages face the predominant challenge of data scarcity. In this paper, we propose strategies to synthesize parallel data relying on morpho-syntactic information and using bilingual lexicons along with a small amount of seed parallel data. Our methodology adheres to a realistic scenario backed by the small parallel seed data. It is linguistically informed, as it aims to create augmented data that is more likely to be grammatically correct. We analyze how our synthetic data can be combined with raw parallel data and demonstrate a consistent improvement in performance in our experiments on 14 languages (28 English <-> X pairs) ranging from well- to very low-resource ones. Our method leads to improvements even when using only five seed sentences and a bilingual lexicon.

Background. LLM outputs are highly sensitive to prompt formulation: small wording changes can substantially affect output quality. This matters in software engineering, where prompts guide requirements analysis, code generation, and artefact synthesis. Poor formulations yield unreliable artefacts, yet practitioners lack principled ways to assess a prompt before inference, making selection depend on costly LLM calls and trial-and-error refinement. Aims. We investigate whether measurable linguistic properties of prompts can predict LLM performance before inference, enabling low-cost prompt selection and refinement, validated on binary requirements classification targeting F1, F2, precision, and recall. Method. We generate 9,000 linguistically controlled prompt variants from 100 initial prompts by varying 30 linguistic metrics, evaluated with five open-source LLMs on 625 annotated requirements. Regression predictors are trained via stratified 10-fold cross-validation with permutation-based significance testing; feature importance analysis identifies cross-LLM and model-specific predictors. Results. Linguistic features significantly predict prompt performance across all targets (R2 in [0.38,0.42], q<0.05). Syntactic and morphosyntactic features drive most predictive signal; cross-LLM predictors include compound dependency distribution, conjunction density, and word/sentence length, reflecting sensitivity to domain vocabulary and complex structures. Conclusions. Results suggest practical implications for prompt engineering, including overlap between linguistic patterns that reduce LLM performance and those that increase human comprehension difficulty, and the irrelevance of lexical variety as a quality dimension. More broadly, linguistic profiling combined with standard regression provides an effective, interpretable, low-cost prior before costly optimisation pipelines.

This paper will present textual corpora for Serbian (and Serbo-Croatian), usable for the training of large language models and publicly available at one of the several notable online repositories. Each corpus will be classified using multiple methods and its characteristics will be detailed. Additionally, the paper will introduce three new corpora: a new umbrella web corpus of Serbo-Croatian, a new high-quality corpus based on the doctoral dissertations stored within National Repository of Doctoral Dissertations from all Universities in Serbia, and a parallel corpus of abstract translation from the same source. The uniqueness of both old and new corpora will be accessed via frequency-based stylometric methods, and the results will be briefly discussed.

The rapid advancement of Large Language Models (LLMs) has established standardized evaluation benchmarks as the primary instrument for model comparison. Yet, their reliability is increasingly questioned due to sensitivity to shallow variations in input prompts. This paper examines how controlled, truth-conditionally equivalent lexical and syntactic perturbations affect the absolute performance and relative ranking of 23 contemporary LLMs across three benchmarks: MMLU, SQuAD, and AMEGA. We employ two linguistically principled pipelines to generate meaning-preserving variations: one performing synonym substitution for lexical changes, and another using dependency parsing to determine applicable syntactic transformations. Results show that lexical perturbations consistently induce substantial, statistically significant performance degradation across nearly all models and tasks, while syntactic perturbations have more heterogeneous effects, occasionally improving results. Both perturbation types destabilize model leaderboards on complex tasks. Furthermore, model robustness did not consistently scale with model size, revealing strong task dependence. Overall, the findings suggest that LLMs rely more on surface-level lexical patterns than on abstract linguistic competence, underscoring the need for robustness testing as a standard component of LLM evaluation.

We study word learning in subword and character language models with the psycholinguistic lexical decision task. While subword LMs struggle to discern words and non-words with high accuracy, character LMs solve this task easily and consistently. Furthermore, when comparing word learning and syntactic learning, both processes are separable in character LM where word learning predates syntactic learning, whereas these processes are simultaneous in subword LM. This raises questions about the adequacy of subword LMs for modeling language acquisition and positions character LMs as a viable alternative.

Formal and distributional semantic models offer complementary benefits in modeling meaning. The categorical compositional distributional (DisCoCat) model of meaning of Coecke et al. (arXiv:1003.4394v1 [cs.CL]) combines aspected of both to provide a general framework in which meanings of words, obtained distributionally, are composed using methods from the logical setting to form sentence meaning. Concrete consequences of this general abstract setting and applications to empirical data are under active study (Grefenstette et al., arxiv:1101.0309; Grefenstette and Sadrzadeh, arXiv:1106.4058v1 [cs.CL]). . In this paper, we extend this study by examining transitive verbs, represented as matrices in a DisCoCat. We discuss three ways of constructing such matrices, and evaluate each method in a disambiguation task developed by Grefenstette and Sadrzadeh (arXiv:1106.4058v1 [cs.CL]).

Recent parameter-efficient finetuning (PEFT) techniques aim to improve over the considerable cost of fully finetuning large pretrained language models (PLM). As different PEFT techniques proliferate, it is becoming difficult to compare them, in particular in terms of (i) the structure and functionality they add to the PLM, (ii) the different types and degrees of efficiency improvements achieved, (iii) performance at different downstream tasks, and (iv) how differences in structure and functionality relate to efficiency and task performance. To facilitate such comparisons, this paper presents a reference architecture which standardises aspects shared by different PEFT techniques, while isolating differences to specific locations and interactions with the standard components. Through this process of standardising and isolating differences, a modular view of PEFT techniques emerges, supporting not only direct comparison of different techniques and their efficiency and task performance, but also systematic exploration of reusability and composability of the different types of finetuned modules. We demonstrate how the reference architecture can be applied to understand properties and relative advantages of PEFT techniques, hence to inform selection of techniques for specific tasks, and design choices for new PEFT techniques.

Large-scale language models, like ChatGPT, have garnered significant media attention and stunned the public with their remarkable capacity for generating coherent text from short natural language prompts. In this paper, we aim to conduct a systematic inspection of ChatGPT's performance in two controllable generation tasks, with respect to ChatGPT's ability to adapt its output to different target audiences (expert vs. layman) and writing styles (formal vs. informal). Additionally, we evaluate the faithfulness of the generated text, and compare the model's performance with human-authored texts. Our findings indicate that the stylistic variations produced by humans are considerably larger than those demonstrated by ChatGPT, and the generated texts diverge from human samples in several characteristics, such as the distribution of word types. Moreover, we observe that ChatGPT sometimes incorporates factual errors or hallucinations when adapting the text to suit a specific style.

Yor\`ub\'a is a widely spoken West African language with a writing system rich in orthographic and tonal diacritics. They provide morphological information, are crucial for lexical disambiguation, pronunciation and are vital for any computational Speech or Natural Language Processing tasks. However diacritic marks are commonly excluded from electronic texts due to limited device and application support as well as general education on proper usage. We report on recent efforts at dataset cultivation. By aggregating and improving disparate texts from the web and various personal libraries, we were able to significantly grow our clean Yor\`ub\'a dataset from a majority Bibilical text corpora with three sources to millions of tokens from over a dozen sources. We evaluate updated diacritic restoration models on a new, general purpose, public-domain Yor\`ub\'a evaluation dataset of modern journalistic news text, selected to be multi-purpose and reflecting contemporary usage. All pre-trained models, datasets and source-code have been released as an open-source project to advance efforts on Yor\`ub\'a language technology.

We investigate whether neural models trained exclusively on modern morphological data can recover cross-lingual lexical structure consistent with historical reconstruction. Using BantuMorph v7, a transformer over Bantu morphological paradigms, we analyze 14 Eastern and Southern Bantu languages, extract encoder embeddings for their noun and verb lemmas, and identify 728 noun and 1,525 verb cognate candidates shared across 5+ languages. Evaluating these candidates against established historical resources-the Bantu Lexical Reconstructions database (BLR3; 4,786 reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms) and the ASJP basic vocabulary-we confirm 10 of the top 11 noun candidates (90.9%) align with previously reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms, including *-ntU 'person' (8 languages), *gombe 'cow' (9 languages), and *mUn (9 languages). Extending to verbs, 12 verb cognates align with reconstructed Proto-Bantu roots, including *-bon- 'see' and *-jIm- 'stand', each attested across wide geographic ranges. Cross-model validation using an independent translation model (NLLB-600M) confirms these patterns: both models recover cognate clusters and phylogenetic groupings consistent with established Guthrie-zone classifications (p < 0.01). Cross-lingual noun class analysis reveals that all 13 productive classes maintain >0.83 cosine similarity across languages (within-class > between-class, p < 10^-9). Our dataset is restricted to Eastern and Southern Bantu, so we interpret these results as recovering shared Bantu lexical structure consistent with Proto-Bantu rather than definitively distinguishing Proto-Bantu retentions from later regional innovations.

Natural Language Inference (NLI) and Semantic Textual Similarity (STS) are widely used benchmark tasks for compositional evaluation of pre-trained language models. Despite growing interest in linguistic universals, most NLI/STS studies have focused almost exclusively on English. In particular, there are no available multilingual NLI/STS datasets in Japanese, which is typologically different from English and can shed light on the currently controversial behavior of language models in matters such as sensitivity to word order and case particles. Against this background, we introduce JSICK, a Japanese NLI/STS dataset that was manually translated from the English dataset SICK. We also present a stress-test dataset for compositional inference, created by transforming syntactic structures of sentences in JSICK to investigate whether language models are sensitive to word order and case particles. We conduct baseline experiments on different pre-trained language models and compare the performance of multilingual models when applied to Japanese and other languages. The results of the stress-test experiments suggest that the current pre-trained language models are insensitive to word order and case marking.

One of the primary tasks of morphological parsers is the disambiguation of homographs. Particularly difficult are cases of unbalanced ambiguity, where one of the possible analyses is far more frequent than the others. In such cases, there may not exist sufficient examples of the minority analyses in order to properly evaluate performance, nor to train effective classifiers. In this paper we address the issue of unbalanced morphological ambiguities in Hebrew. We offer a challenge set for Hebrew homographs -- the first of its kind -- containing substantial attestation of each analysis of 21 Hebrew homographs. We show that the current SOTA of Hebrew disambiguation performs poorly on cases of unbalanced ambiguity. Leveraging our new dataset, we achieve a new state-of-the-art for all 21 words, improving the overall average F1 score from 0.67 to 0.95. Our resulting annotated datasets are made publicly available for further research.

Although large language models (LLMs) are increasingly capable, these capabilities are unevenly distributed: they excel at formal linguistic tasks, such as producing fluent, grammatical text, but struggle more with functional linguistic tasks like reasoning and consistent fact retrieval. Inspired by neuroscience, recent work suggests that to succeed on both formal and functional linguistic tasks, LLMs should use different mechanisms for each; such localization could either be built-in or emerge spontaneously through training. In this paper, we ask: do current models, with fast-improving functional linguistic abilities, exhibit distinct localization of formal and functional linguistic mechanisms? We answer this by finding and comparing the "circuits", or minimal computational subgraphs, responsible for various formal and functional tasks. Comparing 5 LLMs across 10 distinct tasks, we find that while there is indeed little overlap between circuits for formal and functional tasks, there is also little overlap between formal linguistic tasks, as exists in the human brain. Thus, a single formal linguistic network, unified and distinct from functional task circuits, remains elusive. However, in terms of cross-task faithfulness - the ability of one circuit to solve another's task - we observe a separation between formal and functional mechanisms, suggesting that shared mechanisms between formal tasks may exist.

Automatically highlighting words that cause semantic differences between two documents could be useful for a wide range of applications. We formulate recognizing semantic differences (RSD) as a token-level regression task and study three unsupervised approaches that rely on a masked language model. To assess the approaches, we begin with basic English sentences and gradually move to more complex, cross-lingual document pairs. Our results show that an approach based on word alignment and sentence-level contrastive learning has a robust correlation to gold labels. However, all unsupervised approaches still leave a large margin of improvement. Code to reproduce our experiments is available at https://github.com/ZurichNLP/recognizing-semantic-differences

Does vision-and-language (VL) training change the linguistic representations of language models in meaningful ways? Most results in the literature have shown inconsistent or marginal differences, both behaviorally and representationally. In this work, we start from the hypothesis that the domain in which VL training could have a significant effect is lexical-conceptual knowledge, in particular its taxonomic organization. Through comparing minimal pairs of text-only LMs and their VL-trained counterparts, we first show that the VL models often outperform their text-only counterparts on a text-only question-answering task that requires taxonomic understanding of concepts mentioned in the questions. Using an array of targeted behavioral and representational analyses, we show that the LMs and VLMs do not differ significantly in terms of their taxonomic knowledge itself, but they differ in how they represent questions that contain concepts in a taxonomic relation vs. a non-taxonomic relation. This implies that the taxonomic knowledge itself does not change substantially through additional VL training, but VL training does improve the deployment of this knowledge in the context of a specific task, even when the presentation of the task is purely linguistic.

Recognizing semantic differences across documents, especially in different languages, is crucial for text generation evaluation and multilingual content alignment. However, as a standalone task it has received little attention. We address this by introducing SwissGov-RSD, the first naturalistic, document-level, cross-lingual dataset for semantic difference recognition. It encompasses a total of 224 multi-parallel documents in English-German, English-French, and English-Italian with token-level difference annotations by human annotators. We evaluate a variety of open-source and closed source large language models as well as encoder models across different fine-tuning settings on this new benchmark. Our results show that current automatic approaches perform poorly compared to their performance on monolingual, sentence-level, and synthetic benchmarks, revealing a considerable gap for both LLMs and encoder models. We make our code and datasets publicly available.

Gender stereotypes are manifest in most of the world's languages and are consequently propagated or amplified by NLP systems. Although research has focused on mitigating gender stereotypes in English, the approaches that are commonly employed produce ungrammatical sentences in morphologically rich languages. We present a novel approach for converting between masculine-inflected and feminine-inflected sentences in such languages. For Spanish and Hebrew, our approach achieves F1 scores of 82% and 73% at the level of tags and accuracies of 90% and 87% at the level of forms. By evaluating our approach using four different languages, we show that, on average, it reduces gender stereotyping by a factor of 2.5 without any sacrifice to grammaticality.

Tokenizer fertility the number of tokens per word imposes a hidden cost on non-English NLP. We measure fertility for ten foundation models across 25 European languages on parallel text, producing the first controlled tokenizer tax map for the continent. The tax spans 2.5x from English (1.2 tokens/word) to Greek/Maltese (~3.1), following a clear hierarchy: Romance (1.5-1.7), Germanic (1.7-1.9), Slavic (2.2-2.5), Uralic/Baltic (2.7-3.0). Ukrainian (2.7) pays 15-18% more than cognate Slavic languages, reflecting underrepresentation in pre-training data. Fertility rankings are domain-invariant across three text registers (rho > 0.97). A subword analysis reveals that high-fertility tokenizers fragment morphological boundaries rather than preserving them. Cross-lingual few-shot evaluation on four Slavic languages shows that few-shot effects are model-intrinsic, not language-dependent. We release all measurements as a public dataset.

Understanding how language and embedding models encode semantic relationships is fundamental to model interpretability. While early word embeddings exhibited intuitive vector arithmetic (''king'' - ''man'' + ''woman'' = ''queen''), modern high-dimensional text representations lack straightforward interpretable geometric properties. We introduce Rotor-Invariant Shift Estimation (RISE), a geometric approach that represents semantic-syntactic transformations as consistent rotational operations in embedding space, leveraging the manifold structure of modern language representations. RISE operations have the ability to operate across both languages and models without reducing performance, suggesting the existence of analogous cross-lingual geometric structure. We compare and evaluate RISE using two baseline methods, three embedding models, three datasets, and seven morphologically diverse languages in five major language groups. Our results demonstrate that RISE consistently maps discourse-level semantic-syntactic transformations with distinct grammatical features (e.g., negation and conditionality) across languages and models. This work provides the first demonstration that discourse-level semantic-syntactic transformations correspond to consistent geometric operations in multilingual embedding spaces, empirically supporting the linear representation hypothesis at the sentence level.

This study evaluates three different lemmatization approaches to Estonian -- Generative character-level models, Pattern-based word-level classification models, and rule-based morphological analysis. According to our experiments, a significantly smaller Generative model consistently outperforms the Pattern-based classification model based on EstBERT. Additionally, we observe a relatively small overlap in errors made by all three models, indicating that an ensemble of different approaches could lead to improvements.

The success of long short-term memory (LSTM) neural networks in language processing is typically attributed to their ability to capture long-distance statistical regularities. Linguistic regularities are often sensitive to syntactic structure; can such dependencies be captured by LSTMs, which do not have explicit structural representations? We begin addressing this question using number agreement in English subject-verb dependencies. We probe the architecture's grammatical competence both using training objectives with an explicit grammatical target (number prediction, grammaticality judgments) and using language models. In the strongly supervised settings, the LSTM achieved very high overall accuracy (less than 1% errors), but errors increased when sequential and structural information conflicted. The frequency of such errors rose sharply in the language-modeling setting. We conclude that LSTMs can capture a non-trivial amount of grammatical structure given targeted supervision, but stronger architectures may be required to further reduce errors; furthermore, the language modeling signal is insufficient for capturing syntax-sensitive dependencies, and should be supplemented with more direct supervision if such dependencies need to be captured.

Text generated by large language models (LLMs) has been shown to be stylometrically distinct from human-written text andreDetectingAIAuthorship2023, shahDetectingUnmaskingAIGenerated2023, oparaStyloAIDistinguishingAIGenerated2024, soto2024fewshot, liLinguisticDifferencesAI2025, selviogluFeatureExtractionAnalysis2025. But LLMs are increasingly used not only to generate text but also to edit human writing, and it is unclear whether the two leave the same trace. We show that AI generation leaves a consistent ``stylometric footprint'': a small subset of features, primarily entropy and lexical diversity, consistently separates AI-generated text from human writing across 8 LLMs and 5 domains, while the remaining features depend heavily on the domain and generator. AI editing, however, does not reproduce the same footprint. Relative to their human-written sources, AI-edited texts show only a small increase in lexical diversity and a decrease in entropy, rather than the joint increase that characterizes AI generation. Lexical density, which contributes little to generation, instead becomes the dominant editing-associated signal. Stylometric features therefore separate AI-edited text from AI-generated text but are substantially less effective at separating it from human-written text. Our results suggest that ``AI text'' is not a single phenomenon: generation and editing leave qualitatively different stylometric traces and should be studied separately.

The success of neural language models (LMs) on many technological tasks has brought about their potential relevance as scientific theories of language despite some clear differences between LM training and child language acquisition. In this paper we argue that some of the most prominent benchmarks for evaluating the syntactic capacities of LMs may not be sufficiently rigorous. In particular, we show that the template-based benchmarks lack the structural diversity commonly found in the theoretical and psychological studies of language. When trained on small-scale data modeling child language acquisition, the LMs can be readily matched by simple baseline models. We advocate for the use of the readily available, carefully curated datasets that have been evaluated for gradient acceptability by large pools of native speakers and are designed to probe the structural basis of grammar specifically. On one such dataset, the LI-Adger dataset, LMs evaluate sentences in a way inconsistent with human language users. We conclude with suggestions for better connecting LMs with the empirical study of child language acquisition.

We present an approach for assessing how multilingual large language models (LLMs) learn syntax in terms of multi-formalism syntactic structures. We aim to recover constituent and dependency structures by casting parsing as sequence labeling. To do so, we select a few LLMs and study them on 13 diverse UD treebanks for dependency parsing and 10 treebanks for constituent parsing. Our results show that: (i) the framework is consistent across encodings, (ii) pre-trained word vectors do not favor constituency representations of syntax over dependencies, (iii) sub-word tokenization is needed to represent syntax, in contrast to character-based models, and (iv) occurrence of a language in the pretraining data is more important than the amount of task data when recovering syntax from the word vectors.

The history of the Korean language is characterized by a discrepancy between its spoken and written forms and a pivotal shift from Chinese characters to the Hangul alphabet. However, this linguistic evolution has remained largely unexplored in NLP due to a lack of accessible historical corpora. To address this gap, we introduce the Open Korean Historical Corpus, a large-scale, openly licensed dataset spanning 1,300 years and 6 languages, as well as under-represented writing systems like Korean-style Sinitic (Idu) and Hanja-Hangul mixed script. This corpus contains 18 million documents and 5 billion tokens from 19 sources, ranging from the 7th century to 2025. We leverage this resource to quantitatively analyze major linguistic shifts: (1) Idu usage peaked in the 1860s before declining sharply; (2) the transition from Hanja to Hangul was a rapid transformation starting around 1890; and (3) North Korea's lexical divergence causes modern tokenizers to produce up to 51 times higher out-of-vocabulary rates. This work provides a foundational resource for quantitative diachronic analysis by capturing the history of the Korean language. Moreover, it can serve as a pre-training corpus for large language models, potentially improving their understanding of Sino-Korean vocabulary in modern Hangul as well as archaic writing systems.

Syntactic parsing remains a critical tool for relation extraction and information extraction, especially in resource-scarce languages where LLMs are lacking. Yet in morphologically rich languages (MRLs), where parsers need to identify multiple lexical units in each token, existing systems suffer in latency and setup complexity. Some use a pipeline to peel away the layers: first segmentation, then morphology tagging, and then syntax parsing; however, errors in earlier layers are then propagated forward. Others use a joint architecture to evaluate all permutations at once; while this improves accuracy, it is notoriously slow. In contrast, and taking Hebrew as a test case, we present a new "flipped pipeline": decisions are made directly on the whole-token units by expert classifiers, each one dedicated to one specific task. The classifiers are independent of one another, and only at the end do we synthesize their predictions. This blazingly fast approach sets a new SOTA in Hebrew POS tagging and dependency parsing, while also reaching near-SOTA performance on other Hebrew NLP tasks. Because our architecture does not rely on any language-specific resources, it can serve as a model to develop similar parsers for other MRLs.

We study language ideologies in text produced by LLMs through a case study on English gendered language reform (related to role nouns like congressperson/-woman/-man, and singular they). First, we find political bias: when asked to use language that is "correct" or "natural", LLMs use language most similarly to when asked to align with conservative (vs. progressive) values. This shows how LLMs' metalinguistic preferences can implicitly communicate the language ideologies of a particular political group, even in seemingly non-political contexts. Second, we find LLMs exhibit internal inconsistency: LLMs use gender-neutral variants more often when more explicit metalinguistic context is provided. This shows how the language ideologies expressed in text produced by LLMs can vary, which may be unexpected to users. We discuss the broader implications of these findings for value alignment.

Autoregressive transformer language models (LMs) possess strong syntactic abilities, often successfully handling phenomena from agreement to NPI licensing. However, the features they use to incrementally process language inputs are not well understood. In this paper, we fill this gap by studying the mechanisms underlying garden path sentence processing in LMs. We ask: (1) Do LMs use syntactic features or shallow heuristics to perform incremental sentence processing? (2) Do LMs represent only one potential interpretation, or multiple? and (3) Do LMs reanalyze or repair their initial incorrect representations? To address these questions, we use sparse autoencoders to identify interpretable features that determine which continuation - and thus which reading - of a garden path sentence the LM prefers. We find that while many important features relate to syntactic structure, some reflect syntactically irrelevant heuristics. Moreover, while most active features correspond to one reading of the sentence, some features correspond to the other, suggesting that LMs assign weight to both possibilities simultaneously. Finally, LMs do not re-use features from garden path sentence processing to answer follow-up questions.

High-performance Multimodal Large Language Models (MLLMs) rely heavily on data quality. This study introduces a novel dataset named Img-Diff, designed to enhance fine-grained image recognition in MLLMs by leveraging insights from contrastive learning and image difference captioning. By analyzing object differences between similar images, we challenge models to identify both matching and distinct components. We utilize the Stable-Diffusion-XL model and advanced image editing techniques to create pairs of similar images that highlight object replacements. Our methodology includes a Difference Area Generator for object differences identifying, followed by a Difference Captions Generator for detailed difference descriptions. The result is a relatively small but high-quality dataset of "object replacement" samples. We use the the proposed dataset to fine-tune state-of-the-art (SOTA) MLLMs such as MGM-7B, yielding comprehensive improvements of performance scores over SOTA models that trained with larger-scale datasets, in numerous image difference and Visual Question Answering tasks. For instance, our trained models notably surpass the SOTA models GPT-4V and Gemini on the MMVP benchmark. Besides, we investigate alternative methods for generating image difference data through "object removal" and conduct thorough evaluation to confirm the dataset's diversity, quality, and robustness, presenting several insights on synthesis of such contrastive dataset. To encourage further research and advance the field of multimodal data synthesis and enhancement of MLLMs' fundamental capabilities for image understanding, we release our codes and dataset at https://github.com/modelscope/data-juicer/tree/ImgDiff.

The learning trajectories of linguistic phenomena in humans provide insight into linguistic representation, beyond what can be gleaned from inspecting the behavior of an adult speaker. To apply a similar approach to analyze neural language models (NLM), it is first necessary to establish that different models are similar enough in the generalizations they make. In this paper, we show that NLMs with different initialization, architecture, and training data acquire linguistic phenomena in a similar order, despite their different end performance. These findings suggest that there is some mutual inductive bias that underlies these models' learning of linguistic phenomena. Taking inspiration from psycholinguistics, we argue that studying this inductive bias is an opportunity to study the linguistic representation implicit in NLMs. Leveraging these findings, we compare the relative performance on different phenomena at varying learning stages with simpler reference models. Results suggest that NLMs exhibit consistent "developmental" stages. Moreover, we find the learning trajectory to be approximately one-dimensional: given an NLM with a certain overall performance, it is possible to predict what linguistic generalizations it has already acquired. Initial analysis of these stages presents phenomena clusters (notably morphological ones), whose performance progresses in unison, suggesting a potential link between the generalizations behind them.

The Sejong dictionary dataset offers a valuable resource, providing extensive coverage of morphology, syntax, and semantic representation. This dataset can be utilized to explore linguistic information in greater depth. The labeled linguistic structures within this dataset form the basis for uncovering relationships between words and phrases and their associations with target verbs. This paper introduces a user-friendly web interface designed for the collection and consolidation of verb-related information, with a particular focus on subcategorization frames. Additionally, it outlines our efforts in mapping this information by aligning subcategorization frames with corresponding illustrative sentence examples. Furthermore, we provide a Python library that would simplify syntactic parsing and semantic role labeling. These tools are intended to assist individuals interested in harnessing the Sejong dictionary dataset to develop applications for Korean language processing.

Large language models must satisfy hard orthographic constraints during controlled text generation, yet systematic cross-architecture evaluation remains limited. We evaluate 28 configurations spanning three model families (Qwen3, Claude Haiku-4.5, GPT-5-mini) on 58 word puzzles requiring character-level constraint satisfaction. Architectural differences produce substantially larger performance gaps (2.0-2.2x, F1=0.761 vs. 0.343) than parameter scaling within families (83% gain from eightfold scaling), suggesting that constraint satisfaction may require specialized architectural features or training objectives beyond standard language model scaling. Thinking budget sensitivity proves heterogeneous: high-capacity models show strong returns (+0.102 to +0.136 F1), while mid-sized variants saturate or degrade. These patterns are inconsistent with uniform compute benefits. Using difficulty ratings from 10,000 human solvers per puzzle, we establish modest but consistent calibration (r=0.24-0.38) across all families, yet identify systematic failures on common words with unusual orthography ("data", "poop", "loll": 86-95% human success, 89-96% model miss rate). These failures reveal over-reliance on distributional plausibility that penalizes orthographically atypical but constraint-valid patterns, suggesting architectural innovations may be required beyond simply scaling parameters or computational budgets.

For machine translation, a vast majority of language pairs in the world are considered low-resource because they have little parallel data available. Besides the technical challenges of learning with limited supervision, it is difficult to evaluate methods trained on low-resource language pairs because of the lack of freely and publicly available benchmarks. In this work, we introduce the FLoRes evaluation datasets for Nepali-English and Sinhala-English, based on sentences translated from Wikipedia. Compared to English, these are languages with very different morphology and syntax, for which little out-of-domain parallel data is available and for which relatively large amounts of monolingual data are freely available. We describe our process to collect and cross-check the quality of translations, and we report baseline performance using several learning settings: fully supervised, weakly supervised, semi-supervised, and fully unsupervised. Our experiments demonstrate that current state-of-the-art methods perform rather poorly on this benchmark, posing a challenge to the research community working on low-resource MT. Data and code to reproduce our experiments are available at https://github.com/facebookresearch/flores.

Large language models (LLMs) are increasingly deployed in high-stakes domains, yet they expose only limited language settings, most notably "English (US)," despite the global diversity and colonial history of English. Through a postcolonial framing to explain the broader significance, we investigate how geopolitical histories of data curation, digital dominance, and linguistic standardization shape the LLM development pipeline. Focusing on two dominant standard varieties, American English (AmE) and British English (BrE), we construct a curated corpus of 1,813 AmE--BrE variants and introduce DiAlign, a dynamic, training-free method for estimating dialectal alignment using distributional evidence. We operationalize structural bias by triangulating evidence across three stages: (i) audits of six major pretraining corpora reveal systematic skew toward AmE, (ii) tokenizer analyses show that BrE forms incur higher segmentation costs, and (iii) generative evaluations show a persistent AmE preference in model outputs. To our knowledge, this is the first systematic and multi-faceted examination of dialectal asymmetries in standard English varieties across the phases of LLM development. We find that contemporary LLMs privilege AmE as the de facto norm, raising concerns about linguistic homogenization, epistemic injustice, and inequity in global AI deployment, while motivating practical steps toward more dialectally inclusive language technologies.

Transformer language models typically operate with a fixed-length context window, which has grown in step with large-scale pretraining datasets. In the BabyLM Challenge, however, many past submissions have defaulted to using much shorter sequence lengths. We examine the impact of sequence length on BabyLM pretraining, to answer the simple question: what sequence length should we be using when training Baby LMs? Using 100M-word training data and fixed compute budgets, we compare 125M-parameter Mamba and OPT models, finding that although longer is often better, the optimal length depends on both task and architecture. Shorter sequences are sufficient for grammatical generalization tasks whereas longer contexts benefit morphological analogical reasoning tasks.

Socioeconomic status (SES) fundamentally influences how people interact with each other and more recently, with digital technologies like Large Language Models (LLMs). While previous research has highlighted the interaction between SES and language technology, it was limited by reliance on proxy metrics and synthetic data. We survey 1,000 individuals from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds about their use of language technologies and generative AI, and collect 6,482 prompts from their previous interactions with LLMs. We find systematic differences across SES groups in language technology usage (i.e., frequency, performed tasks), interaction styles, and topics. Higher SES entails a higher level of abstraction, convey requests more concisely, and topics like 'inclusivity' and 'travel'. Lower SES correlates with higher anthropomorphization of LLMs (using ''hello'' and ''thank you'') and more concrete language. Our findings suggest that while generative language technologies are becoming more accessible to everyone, socioeconomic linguistic differences still stratify their use to exacerbate the digital divide. These differences underscore the importance of considering SES in developing language technologies to accommodate varying linguistic needs rooted in socioeconomic factors and limit the AI Gap across SES groups.

The field of conlang has evidenced an important growth in the last decades. This has been the product of a wide interest in the use and study of conlangs for artistic purposes. However, one important question is what it is happening with conlang in the academic world. This paper aims to have an overall understanding of the literature on conlang research. With this we aim to give a realistic picture of the field in present days. We have implemented a computational linguistic approach, combining bibliometrics and network analysis to examine all publications available in the Scopus database. Analysing over 2300 academic publications since 1927 until 2022, we have found that Esperanto is by far the most documented conlang. Three main authors have contributed to this: Garv\'ia R., Fiedler S., and Blanke D. The 1970s and 1980s have been the decades where the foundations of current research have been built. In terms of methodologies, language learning and experimental linguistics are the ones contributing to most to the preferred approaches of study in the field. We present the results and discuss our limitations and future work.

Grammar refers to the system of rules that governs the structural organization and the semantic relations among linguistic units such as sentences, phrases, and words within a given language. In natural language processing, there remains a notable scarcity of grammar focused evaluation protocols, a gap that is even more pronounced for low-resource languages. Moreover, the extent to which large language models genuinely comprehend grammatical structure, especially the mapping between syntactic structures and meanings, remains under debate. To investigate this issue, we propose a Grammar Book Guided evaluation pipeline intended to provide a systematic and generalizable framework for grammar evaluation consisting of four key stages, and in this work we take Luxembourgish as a case study. The results show a weak positive correlation between translation performance and grammatical understanding, indicating that strong translations do not necessarily imply deep grammatical competence. Larger models perform well overall due to their semantic strength but remain weak in morphology and syntax, struggling particularly with Minimal Pair tasks, while strong reasoning ability offers a promising way to enhance their grammatical understanding.

The zero-shot cross-lingual ability of models pretrained on multilingual and even monolingual corpora has spurred many hypotheses to explain this intriguing empirical result. However, due to the costs of pretraining, most research uses public models whose pretraining methodology, such as the choice of tokenization, corpus size, and computational budget, might differ drastically. When researchers pretrain their own models, they often do so under a constrained budget, and the resulting models might underperform significantly compared to SOTA models. These experimental differences led to various inconsistent conclusions about the nature of the cross-lingual ability of these models. To help further research on the topic, we released 10 monolingual byte-level models rigorously pretrained under the same configuration with a large compute budget (equivalent to 420 days on a V100) and corpora that are 4 times larger than the original BERT's. Because they are tokenizer-free, the problem of unseen token embeddings is eliminated, thus allowing researchers to try a wider range of cross-lingual experiments in languages with different scripts. Additionally, we release two models pretrained on non-natural language texts that can be used in sanity-check experiments. Experiments on QA and NLI tasks show that our monolingual models achieve competitive performance to the multilingual one, and hence can be served to strengthen our understanding of cross-lingual transferability in language models.

Modelling compositional meaning for sentences using empirical distributional methods has been a challenge for computational linguists. We implement the abstract categorical model of Coecke et al. (arXiv:1003.4394v1 [cs.CL]) using data from the BNC and evaluate it. The implementation is based on unsupervised learning of matrices for relational words and applying them to the vectors of their arguments. The evaluation is based on the word disambiguation task developed by Mitchell and Lapata (2008) for intransitive sentences, and on a similar new experiment designed for transitive sentences. Our model matches the results of its competitors in the first experiment, and betters them in the second. The general improvement in results with increase in syntactic complexity showcases the compositional power of our model.

Research on bias in Text-to-Image (T2I) models has primarily focused on demographic representation and stereotypical attributes, overlooking a fundamental question: how does grammatical gender influence visual representation across languages? We introduce a cross-linguistic benchmark examining words where grammatical gender contradicts stereotypical gender associations (e.g., ``une sentinelle'' - grammatically feminine in French but referring to the stereotypically masculine concept ``guard''). Our dataset spans five gendered languages (French, Spanish, German, Italian, Russian) and two gender-neutral control languages (English, Chinese), comprising 800 unique prompts that generated 28,800 images across three state-of-the-art T2I models. Our analysis reveals that grammatical gender dramatically influences image generation: masculine grammatical markers increase male representation to 73% on average (compared to 22% with gender-neutral English), while feminine grammatical markers increase female representation to 38% (compared to 28% in English). These effects vary systematically by language resource availability and model architecture, with high-resource languages showing stronger effects. Our findings establish that language structure itself, not just content, shapes AI-generated visual outputs, introducing a new dimension for understanding bias and fairness in multilingual, multimodal systems.

Though Large Language Models (LLMs) have shown remarkable abilities in mathematics reasoning, they are still struggling with performing numeric operations accurately, such as addition and multiplication. Numbers can be tokenized into tokens in various ways by different LLMs and affect the numeric operations performance. Currently, there are two representatives: 1) Tokenize into 1-digit, and 2) Tokenize into 1sim 3 digit. The difference is roughly equivalent to using different numeral systems (namely base 10 or base 10^{3}). In light of this, we study the scaling behavior of different numeral systems in the context of transformer-based large language models. We empirically show that a base 10 system is consistently more data-efficient than a base 10^{2} or 10^{3} system across training data scale, model sizes under from-scratch training settings, while different number systems have very similar fine-tuning performances. We attribute this to higher token frequencies of a base 10 system. Additionally, we reveal extrapolation behavior patterns on addition and multiplication. We identify that base 100 and base 1000 systems struggle on token-level discernment and token-level operations. We also sheds light on the mechanism learnt by the models.